Daily Media Monitoring Summary: Monday, 3 December 2001

**1. BUGAJSKI: WITHOUT A TRUE LEADERSHIP, KOSOVO WILL NOT HAVE ITS STATEHOOD **2. SHALA: THE GOALS OF A WIDE-COALITION GOVERNMENT **3. BELGRADE LAUNCHES AN OFFENSIVE AGAINST ÇEKU, THAÇI AND HARADINAJ **4. SPOT: SERBIA AND YUGOSLAVIA WILL NOT RETURN TO KOSOVO AS PROMISED BY BELGRADE

(1) Koha Ditore on page ten carried a commentary by Janusz Bugajski, in which he wrote:

A lot of time has passed since the first general elections in Kosovo to allow the continued power vacuum. The incapability of Kosovar leaders to create a government of a multi-party coalition is suiting the lobby that opposes independence. They will surely claim that the Kosovars lack a democratic political culture, and that they are incapable of reaching a consensus for their own national good, and that they are simply incapable of self-government.

In one of the most important things in the turning point of Kosovo's history, it is in the responsibility of the political elite to prove that politics is not a matter of power, post, status and privilege. Politics is the art and science of belief, compromise and legitimate government committed in achieving national interests.

The leaders of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), which won the elections, bear the responsibility to create, in a constructive manner, a functional coalition government. Such an administration must have a sufficient majority in the parliament in order to endorse important legislation. Above all, it should follow a program of national reconstruction and transformation that would lead towards democratic pluralism, the rule of law, national independence and the statehood of Kosovo.

Kosovo's friends all around the world are anxiously waiting for the largest party to make concrete offers for a coalition government. There are indications that Hashim Thaçi's Kosovo Democratic Party and Ramush Haradinaj's Alliance for the Future of Kosovo would be willing to work together with the Democratic League of Kosovo. Such a tri-party unit would benefit from the majority support of public opinion and would represent a united front before the international community in the pursuit of vital national interests.

On the other hand, being the party that won the majority of votes, the Democratic League of Kosovo can nominate the first democratic president of Kosovo. Ibrahim Rugova will need multi-party support in order to win a mandate of the majority and on the other hand this would ensure the same for the planned majority government and would strengthen the unity aimed by Kosovo.

The historical conflicts and egos should be finally removed by responsible politicians or else they would disqualify the state aspired by the achievement of its goals. It is not important now which strategy was the most suitable during Belgrade's occupation, the pacific or the armed strategy. Both strategies served their goals and the two were in fact sides of the same coin.

What is of utmost importance is the fact that none of the important members of the political elite have been discredited in the eyes of the public opinion-which spoke its mind through general elections. Clearly, through the votes they have cast, the citizens have asked for a coalition government that can fulfill their aspirations.

The unfulfilled aspirations at a time of national frustration might lead to a new crisis in the coming months. If the population is unsatisfied with their elected leaders, then the Kosovar elite will see its mandate rapidly vaporizing. They will turn into unimportant failures, not only in local politics, but also in the eyes of the international agencies and in the presentation of the arguments for statehood.

A prolonged period of contesting and paralysis in Prishtina would surely go in favor of those Serb leaders who claim that without Belgrade's control and supervision, Kosovars would be simply living in a state of anarchy and chaos. Without doubt, some local Serb leaders will ask for a continuing blockade in Kosovo and will try to create problems for the new administration in Prishtina, with up-close consultations with the federal bodies in Belgrade.

In the meantime, UNMIK and the United Nations Security Council will feel safe that keeping Kosovo under Yugoslavia is a righteous decision in order to avoid further instability. And how will the Kosovar elite respond to these accusations? By quarrelling for power or by undertaking big steps toward reconciliation and solidarity for the sake of the nation?

A government of credible majority is also essential for the projection and presentation of Kosovo's stance outside the country. A multi-party government would move swiftly and decisively toward establishing missions and representatives in western capitals. Washington and Brussels are the places where Prishtina can successfully put forward its arguments and agenda for statehood.

Unfortunately, there is no physical representation of Kosovo in Washington or a competent diplomat that could convince Bush's administration, the members of Congress, the community of non-governmental organizations, and the media that statehood is the most reasonable solution for the long-term period of Kosovo. Unfortunately, the Kosovars are simply absent during discussions of their future and they only respond to events instead of creating them themselves. It is time to launch an international campaign for statehood once a solid government is in place.

In this context, an international conference should be organized in Washington after the New Year with the participation of all the political big shots from Prishtina. The vital issue of Kosovo's status should be seriously and openly discussed between the creators of politics, the NGO community, the Albanians living in the US and the leaders from Kosovo. The participants of such an event would help formulate recommendations and a concrete agenda for the US Administration and Congress.

Any prolonged period of political challenge and a weak government will only weaken discussions on statehood and would simply enable western diplomats to postpone decisions on the final status of Kosovo. It is time for Prishtina to launch a resonant campaign for independence, rather than sink deeper into internal conflicts for political advantages that are meaningless. In the end, without statehood, all leadership posts are not as important, whereas without true leadership there will be no statehood.

(2) The whole story of an eventual co-government in Kosovo has turned into an agreement on dividing the power an allocation of posts notes Blerim Shala Editor In Chief in a front page column for Zëri.

 Who will become President and Prime Minister? Which party will lead in the government and which will lead in the parliament are questions of a variety of speculation and gossip which has brought different names on the main Kosovar political scene after the 17 November elections.

 While everything is being discussed however there is no talk of the concept of co-governing. A coalition cannot survive if it is formed through an agreement only for the division of power and without the knowledge as to what it wants to achieve in governing the country with the mandate given by the citizens and the voters. 

 Therefore, the possible agreement between LDK, PDK and AAK must include the aspirations that have to be fulfilled in the next three years during the present Parliament's term. It is not surprising that during the election campaign an insurmountable gap was created between what political parties promised and what in reality they could fulfill and deliver. However, now with the possibility of forming a wide-coalition government these objectives should be more realistic and easier to achieve. In reality if we were realistic, we should openly say that without a wide-coalition government there could be no reason for discussing any political aspirations. In that case, if an agreement is not reached we will be fed up with shortcomings of all kinds. Nevertheless, the forming of this government is not one of its aims: the forming of an encompassing government coalition is to fulfill the aspiration of Kosovo's citizens.

(3) The Belgrade government has recently launched an offensive against former KLA leaders, Hashim Thaçi and Ramush Haradinaj, reports Epoka e Re. The paper quoted Vladimir Bozovic member of the Yugoslav Coordination Center for Kosovo as saying that The Hague Tribunal has launched investigations against Hashim Thaçi, Ramush Haradinaj and Agim Çeku. Bozovic also informed that The Hague Tribunal has launched an investigation against the Commander of Yugoslav Armed Forces Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic and the Commander of the Serb Police Sreten Lukic and other army and police officers. "I would like to note that the fact that they are being investigated does not imply that they will be indicted. Therefore, it is up to The Hague Tribunal to refute me". Bozovic emphasized, "The reasons of the conflict must be determined as must the events where the relevant side was following the law because they were fighting terrorism and extremism in Kosovo". He also added, "it cannot be said or proved by reports of The Hague Tribunal and Human Rights Watch that Yugoslav army and police activities were planned to commit genocide against one people".

 Bozovic praised The Hague Tribunal for starting the investigation against former KLA leaders. The Serb Justice Ministry will offer all the proof and eyewitnesses to this investigation. "The Justice Ministry expects the investigation to start soon and end very quickly, with indictments against Albanian terrorists: firstly of Hashim Thaçi and Ramush Haradinaj and will prevent them from participating in the political life and governmental institutions. 

(4)Currently the first steps undertaken by the international community after the elections refute the promises made by Belgrade's highest governmental bodies that Serb and Yugoslav institutions will return to Kosovo, has cited Momcilo Trajkovic, reports Koha Ditore.

 Chairmanship of the Serbian Resistance Movement (SPOT) evaluated on Sunday that general elections in Kosovo were held under "unfavorable conditions" for the Serb population in Kosovo and "without clear guarantees that the non-Albanian population will be ensured survival". Trajkovic evaluated that opposite things are happening, currently the ties between Serbs in Kosovo and Serbia are slowly being detached. The SPOT Chairmanship supported Trajkovic, who was discharged from the so-called Yugoslav Committee for Kosovo because he opposed the idea that Serb should participate in the Kosovo general election.