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CONTENTS: 11 NOV. 2001 INDEPENDENT - YES. BUT HOW?
Koha Ditore carried on pages one and four an editorial by its Editor in Chief Baton Haxhiu on the enigmas of the post-election period. The experience of the 'first free and democratic electoral campaign in Kosovo' has sent a strange message to those participating in the campaign: political parties do not have to spend a great deal of money in political marketing during the campaign, because most of the electorate has already decided which to vote for. According to a survey carried out by KACI, results for the parties will depend on the leader who represents them. This poll has shown that 48.2% of those questioned said that entire
families vote for the same party. This raises the question: Are
there democratic politics and votes in Kosovo? Not so long ago, thousands of intellectuals, activists and patriots worked for LDK, leaving an unquestionable mark on Kosovo's history,-- Fehmi Agani, Ejup Statovci, Gani Bobi, Ali AliuBijar Bukoshi and many others. These were the new generation of politicians and many others who created LDK's image and trust among the Kosovars. One of the last to remain true to the idea was Xhemajl Mustafa. With his killing, LDK has lost immensely. It lost the man who was the only hope that the LDK would return to its former position. LDK today lacks a leader who has political sensibility, a man who knows the art of balance and also knows how to create bridges of communication with everyone especially with those who did not share the same viewpoints. Who are the people in LDK today and what does it represent as a party? LDK remains a one-man party as many other political parties that were
formed in the late 90's. These parties remain hostages to the leader's
concepts. What has been proven is that LDK cannot reorganize because LDK
as party remains a hostage of its president. PDK formed by Hashim Thaēi has tried to install inner party democracy by calling party conventions and frequent chairmanship meetings. Even though it has frequent debates, it has chosen silence and awaits the mistakes made by the others to gain votes for elections. Hardships are evident, because at the same time as they are conducting an electoral campaign, there are changes going on within the party. PDK inherited a structure without a concept and finds it difficult to mastermind a new concept. The fear that every incident would be blamed on them and could bring down the number of votes has made this party more than careful. The biggest hardships are caused by the past, concretely the year 1999 and the so-called Provisional Government, which was a mixture of people and left a heavy moral burden. The only novelty that PDK brought was the nomination of Flora Brovina
for Kosovo's President. She is a candidate with many international awards,
which could possibly bring female voters but not a victory.
"Neither right nor left, only straight"! is the motto of the party, which has announced a surprise on 17 November. This slogan has not changed the approach of its president. The AAK leader is ready for all political options and combinations within the structure of the future parliament and government. However this alliance is not as it seems. It is an alliance for the needed moment. However the alliance led by former KLA commander Ramush Haradinaj is not the same as the one that participated in local elections last October. Haradinaj removed with his charisma the elements that were considered by the international community as extremists and damaging. At the launch of the electorate campaign, AAK managed to bring into its circle Mahmut Bakalli, a respected politician during the Yugoslav era. Has this changed AAK? The answer is yes. Because those acquainted with Bakalli know that he does not link to one man or a party. His idea is to create a structure with a party program. His presence brings to AAK an image of political tolerance and cooperation with others. Because of the OSCE electoral structure, the AAK could come out as the biggest winner given the fact that it will be a part of the coalition. The AAK is struggling to win as many votes as possible, but it does not have a pretext for the main position as LDK and PDK have. According to the voting system, AAK will be a major player. However, it is not certain that AAK will vote for Rugova for president. After these elections several thing will be clear. Illusions must not be created and come to the stage as in 1997. Kosovo until now was seen as an issue tied to human and minority rights. A satisfaction for the moment can be that "it is better that NATO and UN are in Kosovo, when Kosovo cannot be in NATO and UN". And the only ally who until now was the opposite is UN Security Council Resolution 1244. It seems that there are constant conflicts between UNMIK in Prishtina and UN in New York regarding the implementation of the mandate, the structure and the time limit for self-rule. The parliament, which will be formed after 17 November elections, will be based on Constitutional Framework, which imposes exceptional limitations. Russia and China oppose the international changing of Kosovo's status. The allies are divided, however most of them fear any hasty steps toward deciding on Kosovo's future. It is important that the US and European states clearly tell their viewpoints to the people of Kosovo and the whole world. As long as Kosovo's status is undetermined there can be no talk of Serb government returning to Kosovo. Independence Independence will become a reachable aim if conditions are created which Kosovo's independent state must fulfill, including two very painful issues: a clear demonstration for protecting minority rights and the maintenance of internationally recognized borders. There have to be credible elections for Kosovo's Parliament - not such an easy task - to give legitimacy to Kosovo's government and give more responsibility to those elected. (One must) start determining the rules of transition to what can be an independent Kosovo or allow that the whole region be a hostage to events in Kosovo and the region. Separation The biggest danger that could destabilize the region most is the 'plan in Serb circles," i.e. dividing Kosovo or cantonization. If Kosovo's Parliament decides to announce independence, that would surely open the road to destabilization and separation in Macedonia and also separation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which would imply the defining of new borders in the Balkans. Western diplomats are certain that Kosovo's independence would start the Balkan domino effect. If Kosovo declares full independence then Serbia and some other states would engage in dividing Kosovo. This would reveal a tendency to join Macedonia. This is the most dangerous option for peace in the Balkans and the region. On the contrary, Kosovo's independence would be an effective guarantee for stability in the region. Kosovo must guarantee for minorities, the borders and relations with neighbors. Confederation If international troops ever leave Kosovo, then Kosovo and Serbia surely must find a way to have stable relations. Whether this will be possible and when is very difficult to foresee. Albanian-Serb history is a history full of violence. We must not forget that not a single Albanian can be found within Kosovo who would support serious political ties with Belgrade. It is up to Europe as to what it is going to do in Kosovo and Serbia. The prospects for stability and reconciliation depend on economic development of all the countries in the region and their relations with Europe. International troops could leave only when Kosovo and Serbia are tied to European institutions in a serious form. There are projects for a confederation resembling the European Union. The other is to erase the name Yugoslavia, because this name is tied to wars, genocide and represents horrible memories for all of us. Whether Europe will be able to come out with a long lasting process for reintegration remains to be seen. Europe has many other problems, however this is the path to avoid war. National unity The question is: Do Albanians want a state and do they want symbols representing their statehood? If yes, how can this be done without the proper symbols? Without Kosovo's flag, national anthem and other symbols that define state identity? Kosovo is facing the biggest political challenge. It has to continue forming the state and remain for another few years under a UN protectorate (and then think about the future), or it has to join the above-mentioned project for confederation. The latter depends on Montenegro and not Kosovo. Regarding this, the international community and especially the EU imposes ideas such as: "We cannot support any process that leads to disintegration of the Balkans, while the whole of Europe is integrating". It is up to Kosovars and Montenegrins to convince the Europeans that the process of disintegration of former Yugoslavia has still not ended. The borders between Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro and also between Macedonia and Albania can disappear in the future when their capital would be Brussels, when this part is fully integrated in the EU. It is questionable how big a capacity Kosovo and Montenegro have to
convince EU that independence for Kosovo and Montenegro are only delayed
historic processes for self-rule through which European states have gone
through a long time ago. However they are more than necessary if we want
long-lasting peace and stability in this part of Europe. Everything else
would be unstable and a potential for further
crisis.
Koha Ditore carried on page five a report on LDK rallies in Mitrovica and Vushtrri. LDK Chairman Dr. Ibrahim Rugova participated at the LDK rally in Mitrovica where he said: "We must create conditions for the young generation to start creating their own families and continue the history of our glorious nation". In Vushtrri he addressed he called for a peaceful and quiet ending of
the campaign. In Ferizaj PDK Chairman Hashim Thaēi said: "If you want for democracy to win, then PDK must win. PDK is the most modern party today in Kosovo". Koha Ditore carried a report on page seven on AAK rallies in Gjilanė and Roganė. AAK Chairman Ramush Haradinaj addressed a rally in Gjilanė. He said: "We will support KPS and will be engaged in giving more competencies to the KPS so they can have a better position in the Kosovar society. We will support the KPC and we will think of the KPC as of our future army". In Roganė Haradinaj said: "We do not think of independence before making our towns independent".
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