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CONTENTS: 29 Oct. 2001 ELECTION CAMPAIGN ROUNDUP
Koha Ditore on page six carried a report from the election rally of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) in Stubėll. The paper noted that though the party still doesn't have a branch in Stubėll, the visit of the Alliance's senior officials attracted many residents to the election rally. "We want Kosovo as it is today, but we also have the right to aim for more, for our independent state of Kosovo. Therefore, in our programme we aim to advance Kosovo until the enlivenment of the independent state," Haradinaj told the Stubėll residents. During his speech, Haradinaj also elaborated on the issues of law and order. "After the 17 November general elections, it is our priority to work more on law and order. We cannot allow acts of violence and intolerance, because it is damaging for our image and aspirations. You can say that we don't have a ministry of order, but we have KFOR, UNMIK Police, and our police, the Kosovo Police Service. We support the KPS; we try to help its professional development," he added. "The social democrat spirit is not present in Kosovo, but the spirit is necessary and we think that with our courageous steps we will be supported in these elections," said Kaqusha Jashari, chairwoman of the Kosovo Social Democrat Party, during Saturday's election rally in Peja, reported Koha Ditore on page nine. While claiming that her effort is to present a realistic programme to the electorate, Jashari was cited as saying, "it is the same old programme, but after the war we have compiled a functional programme to overcome the consequences of war. The first priority of the social democrats is organizing and facilitating life and the function of the state of law." The specific part of Jashari's promises, added the paper, were the claims that the social democrats would be engaged in the recognition of the ten-year status of work during the period when Albanians were forced out of their working places, and the creation of a pension fund. Koha Ditore on page five carried an overview on the plans of political parties for Kosovar healthcare after the general elections. Alush Gashi, a candidate of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), was quoted as saying, "according to our assessments, and the public statements of the Kosovar healthcare management, in which the LDK didn't participate, we can say that the situation is very grave and that it contains extreme elements, such as corruption and the extreme politicization of the healthcare system. According to Gashi, the LDK has a programme that would launch healthcare out of the current crisis, "which is a result of poor management". Gashi said that the only political post in the healthcare system would be that of the minister, and that the other posts would be based on competition and professional experience. Gashi, who is a member of LDK's chairmanship, also said that low salaries are not what caused corruption. "Honesty is not bought with money -a better organization of the healthcare system would result in higher salaries, but the honesty of a healthcare worker is not controlled with salaries but with the transparency of their work," added Gashi. Sali Ahmeti, candidate of the Kosovo Democratic Party (PDK), told the paper that his party would do all in its power to avoid the mistakes of the past. "Healthcare will be in the service of the patient, and not the other way around," said Ahmeti, adding that the PDK would give priority to the supply of drugs. "The priorities of the PDK are protection from diseases, the best use of staff abilities, development of primary healthcare." Unlike his LDK counterpart, Ahmeti said that in idealistic conditions, corruption would be avoided by stimulating the staff with higher salaries. Adem Limani, a candidate of the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), said that if healthcare was managed properly, it would have a much higher level and added: "I think that after the war, there was not a good management in healthcare". According to Limani, healthcare is divided into three segments: the administration of healthcare, the work practices, and staff training. Limani said that the Alliance's programme involved a strategy for healthcare, based on the potential of existing staff and existing capacities.
"I would never have believed that I as a former KLA fighter would come here and beg Serbs for a passport," stressed a young Albanian man from Ferizaj, who came to the Yugoslav Office in Prishtina to hand in the necessary documents in order to get a passport. But he was not the only one, there were three other men sleeping on the floor and another guy pacing back and forth because he was so cold. "To tell you the truth and you can even quote me, I came here because I had to. Hopefully I get this passport so I can go to Germany and find a job. It cannot go on like this," stated the man. He said he had an UNMIK passport, but it was full of mistakes, reported Koha Ditore on page one and two. Two British KFOR soldiers were on guard at the entrance of the office. "The procedures are simply horrible," stressed the soldier with a cup of tea in his hands. "It is cold tonight and it has been raining. If the weather had been a bit warmer, you would now see many people waiting in line." The soldiers explained how hard it is to keep the people, who have been waiting for days, under control. According to the KFOR soldiers, people lose their patience and argue about everything possible and start a fight. Many of the waiting people faint, in which case they call the doctor. Kosovars have swallowed their pride and are now waiting to receive the Yugoslav passports because not all states acknowledge the UNMIK passport and they have many errors. "It was impossible for me to get a visa because UNMIK's document has so many errors," stated a woman who needed to go to Holland for an operation. Although UNMIK officials admit that there were many errors in the identification cards, they do not admit that errors were present in the passports as well. "There are no errors in the travel documents," stressed UNMIK Spokesman Sunil Narula. Out of 842,394 identification cards, 10,000 were returned due to errors. According to Narula, the identification cards were prepared in Kosovo and the travel documents in Germany. The number of states that acknowledge the travel documents are 23, including Macedonia, which although acknowledges the travel documents, was never open to Kosovars. According to Koha Ditore journalists, the situation in the Yugoslav Office for Passports in Prishtina was worse on Monday. People were trying to warm themselves with blankets they brought from home. The journalists did their utmost to enter the office and speak to Serb officials, who were issuing the passports. But, they were prevented by KFOR, who said that they have to get an authorization in order to enter. According to them, the British KFOR issues these authorizations. "We have nothing to do with this office, therefore it would be better if you go to UNMIK Administration," stressed Spokesman of British KFOR Ferguson. But apparently, UNMIK Spokeswoman Susan Manuel and Spokesman Sunil Narula are not aware of this. "I have never heard of this kind of authorization," stressed Manuel. With UNMIK's permission, the Yugoslav office has been functioning since the arrival of UNMIK in Kosovo, but regardless of that, it was impossible to enter, Koha reported.
"Could it be ANTHRAX?" I wondered as I emptied the sachet of sugar into my cup of macchiato this morning. Across the street from the Police Main Headquarters at the Bella Vista sipping coffee, it struck me how all of a sudden anything white and powdery, whether chalk or talcum powder, had become an object of suspicion. Just as anyone sporting a beard or with a headgear akin to Osama's had become suspect. Interesting how perceptions can fuel imaginations. In fact, what matters more than reality is the perception of that reality. Here in Kosovo, there is so much to fuel one's imagination that we could have done well without issues like bio-terrorism. There is first and foremost the ethnic factor. And I do not refer merely to the Serb and Albanian divide but to the entire spectrum of Kosovo society with its array of ethnic and sub-ethnic groups having varying national, religious and cultural affiliations. There are both cross-national ethnicities as well as cross-ethnic nationalities. Then there are the varying political ideologies hastily painted with an ethnic brush on a crude 'national' canvas of differing hues. In the current surcharged atmosphere during the run up to the November elections, such distinctions tend to get further intensified as contending groups seek to raise the ante in an attempt to appear 'more patriotic than thou'. Under such circumstances, speculations are rife in the event of any criminal incidence. If an Albanian kills a Serb, or vice versa, one is tempted to presume that it is a case of ethnic violence. We forget that Albanians and Serbs have lived together in Kosovo for ages and have reasons to love and hate each other for other mundane considerations besides ethnic identity. Similar is the case with the minority question. If a person from the majority community assaults one from a minority community in some corner of Kosovo, the world is willing to conclude that there is a grave threat to minorities here. One of the dangers in defining social groups is that it overlooks the fact that persons most often act in their individual capacity out of personal considerations whereas their actions are generally perceived by people as representing the entire group. What is more, every person has more than one group identity, depending on what basis of classification we adopt - social, political, economic, regional, occupational and so on. With elections round the corner, the question of security of minorities in Kosovo has been much in focus. I am reminded of a case relating to the alleged assault on a Roma female outside a Registration Centre in Gjilan some days back. Strong statements were issued from certain quarters, which made the chimera of threat to minorities in Kosovo seem very real. The whole issue of participation of minorities in elections was raised in the light of the alleged assault. Nobody thought of verifying their facts with the police. Subsequent enquiries by UNMIK Police established that there had been no such assault and that the victim in question was in fact mentally challenged. Then there is the more recent case of the murder of a 36-year-old Serbian female in Ferizaj. She had been brutally hacked to death with an axe in front of her house. Initially this led to some speculations that it was an ethnic killing or that she had been killed because she had married an Albanian. Based on preliminary indications, UNMIK Police had then detained a 43-year-old Albanian man from Shtime for questioning. Investigations continued, and earlier this week the 85-year-old Albanian husband of the victim has been arrested on charges of murder. The case is yet to be concluded and may well end up as a domestic feud or a love/sex related violence. This week we witnessed a further controversy over the shooting of a Bota Sot journalist along with an LDK party activist in Skėnderaj, in which another LDK party activist was injured. Three different theories have been doing the rounds. One, that it was a political attack on the LDK by its rivals. Second, that it was the result of a family quarrel (blood feud) since two of the victims were from the same family. Third, that in fact it was the journalist who was the target since he had made some enemies by his writings against certain powerful people. Police investigations may well arrive at a fourth conclusion. The singular point that stands out from these cases is that it is futile, indeed dangerous, to speculate publicly on the possible motives of a crime before the facts of the case are duly investigated. It is like chasing a mirage in the desert in the vain belief that it would lead somewhere. One may only end up moving round in circles. It would be more judicious if one were to follow the compass and head in a definite direction. While working in the Press Office of UNMIK Police there have been so many instances when I have had a young enthusiastic journalist coming in with a barrage of questions relating to a case under investigation and going back disappointed or even agitated because we would not reveal details. "The police do not want to share information with the public", has been a common refrain. "The police just want to cover up for their own incompetence", has been often alleged (a journalist in fact told me so on one occasion). The fact is that the UNMIK Police have been firm on one fundamental principle: 'WE DO NOT AND WILL NOT SPECULATE IN PUBLIC ON A CASE UNDER INVESTIGATION.' That is by no means an easy task. It can be very tempting to reveal sensational facts to the media in order to hog the limelight. After all it does feel good to see your name in print or your face on the TV screen. But we are not street performers or stage artists out to entertain the public and make a quick buck or build our own public image. It is not for us to fritter away the hard work done by police officers who face the bullets on the streets by making irresponsible public statements. We are not here to sell news made out of personal tragedies of innocent people. That is not to deny the people's 'right to information'. But in the realm of policing, unlike most other civil matters, that right to information comes with a rider, for it often militates against individual rights - of the suspect as also of the victim. It was not so long back that we saw in Britain and in the United States some important public figures being tried for alleged offences in the media before they had a chance to defend themselves in the court of law. And that happened just because some members of the police talked when they should not have, thus causing irreparable damage to the suspects who ended up as victims of the media campaign. That is not how we in the UNMIK Police like to work. Public discussion of matters under investigation, to the extent that it jeopardises the investigation by alerting the suspects or diluting the case of the prosecution, also works against the law and therefore against the interests of society at large. The commitment of UNMIK Police to keep the people informed is evident from the very existence of the Office of Press and Public Information. It is for the first time in the history of UN Peace Keeping that such an office has been established for the police. However, while keeping the public informed on police matters the larger interests of law enforcement must take primacy. It is imperative that at the first instance when a crime is committed it is not ascribed various motives. To my mind, there is a singular motive that underlies all criminal activities - and that I choose to call the 'criminal motive'. A 'political' or 'ethnic' motive would not constitute a crime unless it is imbued with a 'criminal' motive. Similarly a criminal should be condemned universally as a criminal and not classified by his ethnicity or political affiliation. We cannot measure the gravity of a crime by the ethnicity of the criminal. And yet in our press updates and briefings, if we are constrained to state the ethnicity of the suspect and the victim, it is only to assuage the extreme sense of suspicion that pervades all sections and classes of society in Kosovo. So edgy are people here and so inclined to presume an ethnic or political angle to every mishap, that every time a crime is reported it is necessary to tell them that it was just a criminal act and no more. Crime in Kosovo is not a unique phenomenon for humanity. There is crime in every society. But here in Kosovo it has become fashionable to ascribe every crime to ethnic hatred or as a fall out of the present political predicament of Kosovo. Such a negative pre-disposition certainly does not help matters. It is important to separate the chaff from the grain. Every criminal act needs to be investigated by the police before the facts of the case can be discussed in public. That investigation takes time, but people are looking for immediate answers. In police matters, it is very important that the media and other public institutions first verify the facts from the Police before going with them to the people. More so where a matter concerns the minority. Not all acts of violence against minorities between now and November 17 should be construed as deliberate and pre-planned acts of intimidation designed to prevent them from participating in the elections. For the minorities, the perception of security is as important as the reality. Unnecessary hype on the issue generates a feeling of insecurity among them that we can certainly do without.
UNMIK Administrator Hans Haekkerup was supposed to meet Serbian Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic, however, he turned out to be sick. Thus, Haekkerup met Serb experts from Kostunica's cabinet and discussed Serb participation in the elections, reported Koha Ditore on page one and three. Before leaving for Prishtina, Covic informed Serb media on his visit and mentioned that he is expecting to see UNMIK's progress on the conditions Belgrade made previously. "We will see what has changed in the document, which did not include anything else but a hollow political statement. Hollow letters and statements cannot be expected to solve the problems of Kosovo, if you consider the fact that the level of torment, abuse and violence committed toward the Serb minority during the past months has increased. Regardless that there are only three weeks left, we have no reason to panic. What we now need are clear and concrete comments on the suggestions, which we delivered to UNMIK," stressed Covic for B92, reported Koha Ditore. Zėri on page three reported that according to UNMIK spokesmen, no agreement was reached during the meeting. Thus, Haekkerup was planning to hold an urgent IAC meeting, which according to Manuel, was postponed due to the fact that the meeting with Serbs took longer than expected and the Albanian political leaders were holding their electoral rallies. Haekkerup's IAC meeting with Albanian representatives is supposed to take place today. Topic of discussion will be eventual Serb participation in the elections. "Haekkerup did not decide whether he will establish a joint body with Belgrade. That is all for now and I cannot suspect what will happen in the future," stressed Manuel. "The OSCE and Everts keep saying that the general elections in Kosovo will be legitimate if Serbs participate or not. With this statement, they are only trying to console themselves because the elections can never be legitimate without the participation of all national communities. Let us not forget the fact that Serbs are the biggest minority in Kosovo and that every other promise of the Albanian political leaders during their electoral campaigns about reaching Kosovo's independence is a lie and deception," stressed Covic for B92, reported Zėri.
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