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Daily Media Monitoring Summary: Thursday, November 29,
2001 **(1)I don't believe there could've been a better scenarist for a political crisis in Kosovo, except for the compilers of the Constitutional Framework, than the citizens of Kosovo and their free vote. Writes Veton Surroi, publisher of Koha Ditore. The election results and the initial stances of the main political parties toward eventual coalitions are indicators of a situation in which the four parties that won the majority of votes can dictate such conditions which would even make governance in Kosovo impossible. In its initial stance, the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) would like to elect the Kosovo President and form the government without the Kosovo Democratic Party (PDK) and "Povratak". The PDK would form a coalition with the LDK, but only if Rugova is not to be elected president. The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) would like "an Albanian co-government", with both the LDK and PDK, whereas the Povratak would join forces with the LDK. Thus, the initial stances show that governance in Kosovo is impossible. If things are simplified, the LDK will find it difficult to create a majority without taking into consideration PDK's opinion, because the later might have influence on both the AAK and the minority parties. Furthermore, the offer made by Povratak would hardly be accepted by the LDK, not only due to the internal resistance in the party, but also due to fear that such a coalition would renew the debate surrounding Rugova's behavior during NATO's air campaign over Yugoslavia. It is impossible for the PDK to condition its vote through opposing Rugova's election as president, because such a gesture is not only unimaginable for LDK and Rugova, but also insulting for the man and the party that won almost half of the votes of the Albanian electorate. Whereas, the Alliance's Albanian co-government, with the wish to take up the prime minister spot, is as possible as a connection between the PDK and LDK. Its additional effect would be to turn the first Kosovar Parliament in a place where Albanians would have power whereas the opposition would be mainly comprised by the Serbs. Such further engagement might dim the Serb participation in Kosovar institutions, and their legitimacy in front of Kosovo Serbs, and would in the end legitimize Serb parallel institutions. Kosovo in a political crisis after the most successful elections ever held in the region? Yes, it is quite possible and it should not be taken with additional alert or lack of seriousness. The current stage is not unusual even for the advanced western democracies. Whereas, for us it is nothing extraordinary because up to this day our parties are still not used to the art of compromise. Furthermore, in this case we also have to deal with personal animosities, which are not a result of either the election campaign or programs. They date back to the pre-NATO intervention period. Therefore, we could hope that the parties will learn fast and make compromises and overcome the personal animosities of their leaders. However, Kosovo cannot be led by only with such hope, and this well known to all the participators of the final dramatic minutes of the Rambouillet Conference. The negotiating stances of the Kosovar parties might go unchanged until the end of this year, in fact even longer. Thus there will be no changes in the governance of Kosovo, but it will bring noticeable changes to the positive effect in the eyes of the international community, and would further emphasize the question, which rests above our heads like a sword: whether the Kosovars can self-govern?If we will witness a solution within the next two weeks, let the abovementioned things be considered as a sign of exaggerated alert. If we don't reach a solution within this period of time, then we will enter a indefinite crisis and the crisis will last until a solution is found, by tiring the parties, the Kosovar political opinion and the international presence in Kosovo. If the number of election votes doesn't change, or if the hill doesn't go to Mohamed, can there be changes in the initial approach of forming governing bodies, or will Mohamed go to the hill? The coming days, or weeks, will give us an answer to this question. In the meantime, we can suggest the parties to change their opinions and ask themselves the basic question: which are Kosovo's interests, within the governing concept, within the coming three-year period? In order to answer this question, let us start from the basic things we will face in governance. First, the Kosovarization of the institutions that are foreseen by the constitutional framework, therefore the establishment of the administrative apparatus. Second, designate the basic priorities for the work of the abovementioned administration, starting from the electricity crisis and up to changes in the economy or the establishment of a system of pensions and social security. Third, the need to put in place a unique administrative system in Kosovo, to determine Kosovo's territorial integrity which implies the freedom of movement for all its citizens, and especially the protection of minorities, such as Serbs. And if we stop only with these three points, it requires a lot of work for two governments. However, the work will not stop only in "internal matters". Let us illustrate this with three basic external matters that will dictate a part of our political life next year: Serbia, Montenegro and Afghanistan. On one hand, the time will come soon when the international community is going to ask for a formal dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade, as foreseen by the agreement between Haekkerup and Covic. On the other hand, the developments in Montenegro toward clarifying their state position would further strengthen Prishtina's self-administration. But what does Afghanistan has to do with this? It is simple, due to the fact that there are ongoing preparations for the biggest ever United Nations mission in Afghanistan, and that would lead the drastic reduction of UNMIK's staff in Prishtina and thus the Kosovars would have to prove their abilities of taking over competencies and showing governing efficiency. Put it simply, it is in Kosovo's interest to have an efficient government that is stable and derives from a wide, and not only Albanian, coalition. What are the chances for such a government, having in mind the constellation of seats in parliament as announced with the official results? Based on the initial stances chances are not quite good, because their starting point is the fight for post-election symbols, rather than the fight for an efficient government. The LDK and PDK are stuck in the initial stance of the fight pro and against Rugova for president, whereas the Alliance took the role of choosing "the most acceptable Albanians". None of these formulas bear the quality of governance, but rather its external and in many cases symbolic shape. There are slim chances that the key to a future coalition will be found here. Maybe we will find the key when we see the agreement on which the parties are engaged. First of all, what is the agreement between the Albanian parties? Second, whether Povratak has to be a part of the coalition as foreseen by the Constitutional Framework, or can there be an agreement for a "bigger coalition". Third, once the government is formed, what agreement has to be made with UNMIK and the international community? What is known for the time being is the fact that Kosovo needs is an as broad and stable government as possible, says Surroi in his article. **(2)"The 28 November will remain carved in our memory due to the arrival of Skėnderbeg in the capital city of Prishtina writes Blerim Shala Editor In Chief Of Zėri . The great Albanian hero, who managed to bring us freedom and defended it with war, diplomacy, courage and wisdom, found happy Kosovars waiting for him. May people would say that due to this day being great and unforgettable for us, it is not worth mentioning the things that were missing. However, you could easily notice that Skėnderbeg found himself amidst the maelstrom of our political impatience and the political race, which transforms competition in opposition and not cooperation. We don't know the reasons, the people to blame, the mistakes, why all this happened, however we know that PDK leader Hashim Thaēi and AAK leader Ramush Haradinaj should have been there to welcome the monument and address the crowd. Their presence there is a result of the citizens' vote during the local and the general elections. Nonetheless, LDK Chairman Ibrahim Rugova, AAK Chairman Ramush Haradinaj and PDK Chairman Hashim Thaēi should have been present because together is the way the Kosovar voters see them. After all, we have talked and reported a great deal on the possibilities of co-governance between the Kosovar political leaders. They should have used the event of Skėnderbeg's arrival to give the message that cooperation and co-governance among them is present," says Shala in his article. **(3) The local political entities have not yet reached a consensus for establishing a coalition of governance. They reported that this issue has not been discussed among the chairmen of the entities and remains therefore, an open issue, reported Kosova Sot on page five. The PDK and AAK representatives say that they are willing to give co-governance among the political forces a try. They are waiting for a reply from the LDK, which won a majority of the votes during the November elections. However, the LDK representatives did not provide any information on their plans regarding co-governance. Kosova Sot quoted PDK Chairman Hashim Thaēi saying, "We will remain open-minded toward talking to the Albanian and non-Albanian political spectrum of Kosovo." Whereas AAK official Bujar Dugolli was quoted as saying, "we are waiting for the LDK's concrete statement. Thereafter, we are ready to sit down and compile a strategy to establish Kosovo's government and other leading organs of Kosovo." However, Dugolli pointed out that nothing concrete has been made in this direction. AAK officials stressed that they have turned to the other two entities, both LDK and PDK, and requested to reach an agreement for co-governance. Nevertheless, it is not clear whether a meeting regarding possibilities to co-govern will take place between the Kosovar political entities. According to officials of local parties, if no compromise is made among the entities, UNMIK Administrator Hans Haekkerup will use his authority and appoint Kosovo's future president, prime minister and president of the parliament, which is fact would be an unacceptable option for a majority of the entities in the parliament. **(4) Many analysts and organizations, which observe the flow of the events and political circumstances in Kosovo, foresee clashes between the elected local government and the international community. Their conclusions are based on the stance of the international community about not allowing Kosovo to solve its final status. According to the foreign analysts, this has nothing to do with the Albanians' dream of independence, reported Zėri on page nine. According to report of the International Crisis Group, "cause of the dissatisfaction between UNMIK and the Albanian political parties following the general elections might be the Albanians' anger regarding UNMIK and Belgrade's Common Document, which assured Kosovo Serb participation in the general elections and the slow steps toward independence." The report points out that the elected institutions do not have the competencies to make decisions, which concern Kosovo's final status. According to the report, this fact harmonizes with the UN Security Council Resolution 1244, based on which the UN established its administration in Kosovo. Thus, the ICG evaluated that every effort of the Kosovar Albanian political parties to use the parliament for approaching independence would be in vain. "However, regardless of the limits, Kosovo's parliament will be a new forum, which will make it possible for Kosovo leaders to slow down or prevent UNMIK from working," it was said in the report. In order to prevent the possible disagreements that might eventually take place between UNMIK and Kosovo's local government, UNMIK Administrator Hans Haekkerup suggested to issue a new regulation on the competencies of the parliament. However, the political entities did not agree because they consider that the parliament can do this the best. "Kosovo's future assembly will issue a majority of the regulations. However, Haekkerup will issue several regulations, which harmonize with his competencies," stressed UNMIK Spokeswoman Susan Manuel in reply to the paper's question regarding the competencies of the parliament. Manuel believes that Kosovo's future institutions will belong to the locals and it is up to them to decide how they will be established. **(5) After the appeal of the district attorney in Prizren Skėnder Morina, on Tuesday the District Court in Prizren restated for the second time the trial of the Serb accused for war crimes Sava Matic reported Koha Ditore on page seven. Matic was brought to the courthouse around 10:00 while his two lawyers
from Belgrade, Stojakovic and Toborosi came an hour later. According to
the court president the trial is expected to last until 10 December, when
all of the eyewitnesses will be questioned. On 10 December it is expected
that the court will go to se the site where the massacres took place. This
January Sava Matic accused of war crimes was sentenced for two years of
imprisonment by an international judge Daniel Gruja even though Rahovec
Municipality accused him of war crimes. At the time citizens from Krusha e
Madhe and Rahovec organized protests in front of |