21 November 2002

CONTENTS

Monitoring should help the Assembly, say LDK, PDK and AAK (Zëri)

Zëri reports that the OSCE has started preparations for monitoring the work of the Kosovo Assembly, following a request by SRSG Steiner, while the three largest Albanian political parties in the Assembly say that the monitoring should support the work of the Assembly and not be biased. The parties say the Assembly's work was always transparent and open to the public.

Zëri reports that Povratak representatives agreed to return to the assembly only after SRSG Steiner sent a letter to Assembly speaker Nexhat Daci, informing him that he had authorized the OSCE to monitor the work of the assembly.

OSCE spokesperson Alexander Benz told Zëri, 'This is nothing new for the OSCE, because we already monitor the work of other institutions, such as municipal assemblies, courts, media, etc,' and he added that the OSCE mission would 'focus on…whether or not adequate procedures are respected and if they are well adapted'.

Sherif Konjufca, chief of the Assembly Information Office, says their work is transparent and that it was monitored by a diplomatic chorus accredited in Kosovo, OSCE and a number of non-governmental organizations.

He said that if Steiner's position were that the OSCE monitoring should be perceived as supervision, this would not be acceptable because no mechanism or body is entitled to do this. "The Kosovo Assembly is the highest body according to the Constitutional Framework, and I think that it is not in the interest of the assembly, the citizens and the international community to leave a bad impression in the assembly and to orchestrate it," he said.

LDK spokesman Lulzim Zeneli said that Kosovo is a unique case in the region 'because the Assembly works with full transparency both toward the local and the international' communities. Zeneli said that it would be unacceptable if the monitoring favored a political group within the assembly.

Fatmir Limaj, chief of the PDK parliamentary group, said that the OSCE has already helped the assembly in various ways, with training and seminars and added that this assistance was welcomed.

Bujar Dugolli, chief of the AAK parliamentary group, said that there was nothing wrong with the decision 'because the OSCE has already monitored the work of the assembly and was engaged in providing assistance for the work of the assembly and its commissions'.

Dugolli added that monitoring would be very welcome 'because there are cases when parliamentary groups such Coalition Povratak violate their duties as assembly members by giving inciting speeches which are causing further problems; and I think that from now on these international mechanisms will take measures against the assembly members that do no treat their work seriously'.

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Shala: Kosovo Image (Zëri)

Zëri carries an editorial by Blerim Shala who speaks about two events in England and France involving Albanians. Shala says that neither the Kosovar government nor the Albanian had clarified that Albanians from Albania and not from Kosovo had been implicated in the incidents. Shala wrote:

An attempt to kidnap a well known English woman (Victoria Beckham), and a hunger strike by asylum seekers in northern France were followed with the curiosity one would have for events happening somewhere in Asia or Africa. In both cases, Kosovars were allegedly involved in very problematic events. Thus, fake Kosovar Albanians made a big fuss in England and France, first by trying to kidnap a celebrity, and the second time by joining Iraqis, Kurds, etc, seeking asylum in England.

We know very well that they are Albanians from Albania, who, in order to achieve their aim for shelter in the West, sometimes present themselves as Kosovo Albanians, sometimes as Presevo Valley or Macedonian Albanians, depending on where the war has spread and where are Albanians are victims. You can imagine what impression can be created of Kosovo in England and France after these two most recent events. There are certainly many other bad examples. Thus our image goes down and the political war for Kosovo's independence is, first of all, based on image.

Major concerns were not in evidence in official circles either in Prishtina or Tirana after these two events. Maybe it would be considered out of place to talk about this issue here. But the non-integration of Kosovo and Albania could be paid for with a high price.

The insulting easiness of responsibility (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore carried an editorial by Agron Bajrami in response to the Media Appeals Board characterization of the Kosovar press as "immature". He says that journalists with western experience, who respect western standards and 'who don't need to brush lessons from the past from their heads', should not be categorized with those who are not immature but have made the conscious decision to promote political entities or special interest groups instead of professionalism. According to Bajrami, the Board should apologize for these generalizations.

The Media Appeals Board decided this week to reduce the 12,500-euro fine against Bota Sot that was imposed by Temporary Media Commissioner Anna Di Lellio in the Baton Haxhiu and Blerim Shala case. A member of the board, Judge Agnieszka Klonowiecka-Milart, cited the 'immaturity of the Kosovar press' as the extenuating condition on which to base the reduction.

Even though I don't want to deal with the way that the problems of irresponsible journalism are treated institutionally in Kosovo, and in this Kosovar and international institutions have failed completely, I am forced to deal with the scandalous ease with which the Media Appeals Board makes generalizations in its [recent] decision.

Rationalizing the reduction of the fine based on the "immaturity of Kosovar media", the three-member board, comprising, in addition to the Polish Klonowiecka-Milart, the French Catherine Marchi-Uhel and the Kosovar Anton Nokaj, sent the message that all Kosovar print media journalists are immature.

Thus, the MAB doesn't differentiate among different publications in Kosovo, print or otherwise. For this, shame on all the dailies, weeklies, magazines, periodicals… as if they are children who continuously make mistakes and have to be punished, but not harshly because, as we said, they are children.

With this judgment, the Board reveals a prejudice that appears to exist among many of those who have had the mandate to 'help' the democratization of the media in postwar Kosovo.

According to this prejudice, local media in general are amateurs, don't know anything, are immature, work for narrow entity interests, don't respect rules… and all this because they are 'immature'.

But the truth is something else. Some media and some journalists might deserve to be described as prejudiced. But they don't do this because they are immature but because they consider it to be their 'sacred' duty, imposed by their party or the interest group they are connected to.

On the other hand, there are media and journalists, especially those who have learned their journalism based on Western principles and who don't need to brush lessons from the past from their heads, who are certainly offended by such generalizations.

Finally, not only the Media Appeals Board and the office of the TMC are prejudiced against Kosovar journalism. The MAB has made a mistake and this mistake has to be corrected. All those journalists who complete their work with professionalism and who respect western standards, despite the lack of self-regulation of the media, deserve an apology for the generalization. Putting the equal sign between them and the others, who, instead of promoting their profession, have decided to promote group or entity interests, is intolerant, especially when it comes from the very people who should do it justice.

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Press coverage on Dukagjini group trial

24 Orë published five-pages on the Dukagjini group trial today. On page one, it pictured Ibrahim Rugova surrounded by a group of people, with a circle superimposed around the head of one of the individuals. The caption beneath the photo reads: A coincidence or… 'Witnesses' that fabricated this process with political background, Sadik Musaj and Tahir Zemaj, 'look after' Kosovo President Ibrahim Rugova at a recent gathering in Deçan.

The article, entitled Scandalous: Gangster Sadik Musaj accuses the liberator, General Daut Haradinaj, and threatens lawyers, states: 'The fifth session trial of five liberators and ex-officers of KPC was held yesterday in Prishtina. The session was the 'hottest', perhaps due to the fact that the first witness was too 'attractive'. He was Sadik Musaj, the killer, the gangster of European bordellos and Kosovar harems and sleeping rooms and a drug trafficker. He is the author of several serious crimes. Sadik Musaj was sentenced twice by courts in Western Europe for criminal acts, but being 'agile' and rich, he got away without a scratch, not spending even one year in jail. An LDK militant and a loyal cooperator of Tahir Zemaj, Sadik Musaj, even in yesterday's testimony at the court behaved as a gangster, acrobat and sadist. In the same way that he transformed a part of Dukagjin into an El Dorado of wild crime, Musaj tried to 'glamorize' with his style at the trail. He had forgotten that he was at a justice parliament, not on his preferred track of crime and in hot Serbian UDB offices [UDB is an acronym for the Serbian Secret Service] and at some flirting UNMIK offices. Several times the hysterical Musaj insulted the court, the lawyers and the accused.'

'Musaj referred to the liberators as 'pigs', threatened the lawyers in his murderous style, and insulted the court several times. The paradox was that the criminal Musaj was accusing the liberating general, Daut Haradinaj, who has won this rank in head-to-head battles with Serb hordes, and not in cabinets as the pimp Sadik Musaj, a co-gangster of Rugova's 'lieutenant' Tahir Zemaj. Musaj was interpreting the 'accusing poetry', according to the scenario of the anti-Albanian underground, even though it is well known that he has been walking armed freely for several years and that he was caressed by certain UNMIK segments, and Rugova's close people," asserted 24 Orë.

Bota Sot reported that the Dukagjini Group trial session began with testimony of Sadik Musaj, who is the brother of the victim, Sinan Musaj. Sadik reportedly testified that Ramush Haradinaj and Ethem Çeku were responsible for the murder of his brother because they had ordered the executions. Sadik also claimed that his brother and four others had been kidnapped in Peja, and then sent to Ekrem Lluka at Radio Dukagjin where they were beaten. 'Later on,' said the witness, 'on the order of Ramush Haradinaj, they were sent to Ratish.'

Bota Sot also reported that its journalists were not allowed to attend the trail for security reasons.

Epoka e Re reported that yesterday's trial session was not normal. 'Some incidents were caused at the court, especially by the witness, Sadik Musaj. He was more engaged in swearing and insulting the accused, and others, including the brother of Daut Haradinaj, Ramush Haradinaj.'

Epoka e Re also managed to conduct a brief interview with Daut Haradinaj during a break in the trial. Asked to comment on insults by the witnesses, Haradinaj was quoted as saying, 'Until now, the witnesses said only what Vesel Muriqi told them to. Many rumors and lies were heard in this courtroom. This insults us. The court 'doesn't buy rumors'. Judges take into account legal facts and proof, they judge with reason and not emotions…Let the witnesses insult, because the truth will eventually be known. The court will rely on facts and not rumors. The duty of the witness is to say what he/she saw and heard, and not make accusations and insults.'

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Mason: Start Looking at the Man in the Mirror (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore carries an op-ed piece by Whitney Mason, an UNMIK official. The entire text of Mason's op-ed piece follows:

Among a journalist's opportunities to canvass local views, perhaps none rivals getting a haircut. Sitting still in the chair, looking at the other men in the mirror as they sheer or are shorn, seems to yield an unusual degree of candor. Such was the case when I had my hair cut on Saturday in central Prishtina and told the barber that I needed to look presentable for Kofi Annan's visit. He answered that he had a number of grievances against UNMIK that he blamed on the Secretary General. Before he had a chance to elaborate, another customer chimed in that the UN Secretary General received his marching orders from the United States. It was that same old tiresome game that one sees played around the world but with particularly self-defeating regularity in the Balkans: looking for some remote and powerful figure to blame for all of one's own problems. I suggested that this blame game was not the most productive use of anyone's time. The barber and customer, who turned out to be a prominent doctor, responded with what they evidently viewed as the key question for Kosovo: What did I think its future status would be?

That depended, I answered, on what they meant by status. Did it mean being allowed to fly whatever sort of flag Kosovans regarded as their own with no interference from outside powers? Or did it mean being ready to join the European family as a respected partner with a viable economy, functioning institutions and the rule of law operating equally for all its citizens? They answered that they were talking about independence. Fine, I said, but the question is whether independence means being free only of the particular form of tyranny to which Kosovo was subject during the nineties or whether it means being truly free in the full sense of the term. Real freedom - as opposed to the merely formal, symbolic sort - requires achieving the standards necessary to be a respected and functioning society that Europe views as a partner rather than a problem. And by this definition of freedom - the only one that would fulfill the hopes of Kosovo's people and the only one worth discussing - I told them I have no idea what the future holds. What I do know is that it ultimately depends on the people of Kosovo themselves far more than on UNMIK, the U.N. or the U.S.

Many Kosovans seem to make an implicit assumption that formal independence is the unique prerequisite for lasting security, prosperity and all the other things they want for their society. The fact is, though, that political independence may not be a necessary condition for progress in any area and it certainly is not sufficient for it.

Let's consider these in reverse order. That independence in itself is not sufficient to guarantee progress in any area of life is obvious from looking at the many independent states in the world with a lower standard of living and less physical security than Kosovans already enjoy. In particular, independence in itself is no guarantee of security. Despite the proliferation of civil wars in recent years, most armed conflicts are still between sovereign states.

Many Kosovans might consider independence necessary for security, investment and credit and integration into European structures. But Kosovo has never been more secure from outside aggression than it is now thanks to the presence of 35,000 KFOR troops; sovereignty has not been necessary to deliver this unprecedented security. It's true that the lack of clarity over Kosovo's final status has bedeviled efforts to attract investment or apply for credit, but so have circumstances within Kosovo itself, especially continuing interethnic tensions. UNMIK and the EU have won promises for hundreds of millions of euros over the next three years. The privatization process, moreover, will create attractive new opportunities for foreigners to invest in Kosovo. Nor is sovereignty necessarily prerequisite for integration into European structures. On Cyprus, for instance, leaders are now considering a UN proposal that would make the island an indissolubly unified political entity composed of two states. I am not suggesting that such a formula has any direct relevance to Kosovo, only that this novel idea illustrates that the very concept of sovereignty is flexible and changing. In this regard, many Kosovans' preoccupation with independence-qua-sovereignty is simply out of date.

Now if attaining any particular political status is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition for making Kosovo the kind of society that most of its people want it to be, then what should Kosovo's political main goals be? The foundation for progress in every aspect of life that matters to anyone in Kosovo - and for that matter, to their neighbors and the wider international community - is embodied in a handful of standards that have nothing to do with political status per se: building functioning democratic institutions, the rule of law, property rights, returns of displaced people, freedom of movement, economic development, dialogue with Belgrade and the KPC behaving as a civil emergency organization, as Kosovo's supporters expect it to be.

Back to the barbershop. In view of these priorities that depend on the exertions of Kosovans themselves, I asked the barber and the doctor, how could they justify wasting time and energy criticizing the UN and the U.S. Isn't it a patriotic duty instead to contribute to the development of Kosovo's civil society by forming or joining groups to advance individuals' particular priorities?

Governments anywhere are only as accountable as their constituents force them to be. If Kosovans want progress, they have to find ways encourage the Government, Assembly and Municipal Assemblies to address Kosovo's actual problems.

For example, everyone must know that the status question can't be seriously addressed until Kosovo has normalized relations with Belgrade. The contacts over the weekend in Lucerne between Serbian Deputy PM Nebojsa Covic and Kosovo PM Rexhepi and Assembly President Nexhat Daci should be applauded and citizens should demand that their leaders plan further contacts with the Belgrade leadership.

Or consider the muted reaction to attacks on displaced people who have returned to Kosovo. As the SRSG, Michael Steiner, has repeated many, many times, multiethnicity is the key to Kosovo's being welcomed to join European structures. Let me put it more bluntly: if members of minority communities can live in Kosovo in security and dignity, Europe will conclude that Kosovans share their commitment to fundamental human rights, opening the door to integrating Kosovo into a family that provides incomparable advantages in terms of material prosperity, physical security and collective political clout.

If, on the other hand, minorities suffer persecution, Europe will infer that Kosovo simply does not share its values and will do everything possible to keep Kosovo at bay. As Michael Steiner warned, Kosovo could become an enclave within Europe, with all of the economic, political and cultural isolation that this implies.

Assuming this elemental fact of life is clear - and that Kosovans don't want to live in a bleak enclave - then they should join PM Rexhepi and Hashim Thaci in condemning the shameful terrorist attack against Orthodox churches over the weekend. If Kosovans want to demonstrate that Kosovo shares Europe's respect for diversity and human rights, condemnation of such cowardly acts must become more consistent and more outspoken. When a crowd threw Molotov cocktails at a small group of Serb pensioners last month, for instance, why did no one speak out?

The doctor answered, "If you meet a family who lost 5 members in the war, do you expect them to hug Serbs?"

First, blaming all members of a given ethnic group - irrespective or their age, gender or individual characters or actions - for what one has suffered at the hands of other individuals who happen to belong to the same group is morally indefensible. Second, no one should expect the most devastated families to take the lead. On the contrary, Kosovans who are doing relatively well who should feel obliged to take the lead. Third, no one is asking Albanians to hug Serbs, just to respect their fundamental legal and political rights as people who live in Kosovo. If this is too much to expect of Kosovans, it's too much for Kosovans to expect support or respect from the international community. Assuming, once again, that most Kosovans want the support and respect of the international community, I said to the doctor and the barber, then why shouldn't Kosovo Albanians find a public way to express their disapproval when a group stains Kosovo's image by attacking a group of defenseless people? A demonstration by 100 Kosovo Albanians on behalf of the rights of members of minority communities would do more to advance Kosovo's real interests than a billion flags and demands for independence.

The doctor said he recognized these points. But I had to understand, he said, that Kosovans had no experience with democratic self-government. They don't necessarily even want independence immediately, he said; many would prefer international institutions to hang on for another 10 or 15 years. Independence is just something they're used to demanding. As for supporting the rights of non-Albanians, well I had to understand that most people know that multiethnicity is the key to Europe but they're apathetic. They're not accustomed to demanding political efforts of themselves or of their own leaders.

Ah, but I think I do understand. The point is that this inertia among Kosovans themselves is Kosovo's biggest problem. Neither UNMIK nor the UN Security Council nor the US can transform Kosovo into a functioning and respected society. Only Kosovans themselves can do that.

The irony is that it's only Kosovo's formal sovereignty - which is not what will determine the shape and quality of Kosovo society - that's at all controversial. What matters most is having a state of mind and a set of habits that are un-dependent. Being un-dependent isn't about waving flags, chanting slogans and criticizing the leaders of international organizations charged with aiding Kosovo. It means shaking off apathy. It means ordinary citizens keeping themselves informed, taking responsibility for changing the things they can and pushing their elected representatives to work in their best interests. In this deeper sense, you can be sure that the entire world would be delighted to see Kosovans become un-dependent sooner rather than later.

As my many Kosovan friends will know, I've written this not because I feel offended by criticism of UNMIK, but because I'm frustrated by seeing Kosovans continuously divert their attention from what they, and only they, can do to improve life in Kosovo. After all, this is your home

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In three to four years, Kosovo will have enough power (Dailies)

Dailies report that the chief of UNMIK Pillar IV, Andy Bearpark, said signing of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) with Southeastern Europe in Athens five days ago for integration of the power market was 'good news' since Kosovo wants to have power supply all the time like any other country in Europe. One of the main reasons for European integration is the power supply, and the reason why Europeans have power all the time is the integrated power system, according to Bearpark.

'What happened in Athens is a continuation of integration of countries in this system. We have signed an agreement, which is the same as the one with the western countries…[which] is the first step for Kosovo to have power 24 hours a day,' he said and added that 'within three to four years, Kosovo will have enough power supply'. He said this was the first time Kosovo signed a regional agreement, having completely equal status with all the other participants at the table.

KTA representative Zoran Morvay stressed that the MoU 'puts Kosovo in a position for free and open trade with Western European states'.

'This is a good chance for consumers to pay lower prices for the power they are using,' he said, and added that with the MoU, Kosovo would have good opportunities for new investments. 'From now on, we will cooperate intensively with Southeastern Europe regulators to make sure that the free market becomes a reality,' Morvay promised.


Belgrade Media Update

KP to decide on whether to return to the Kosovo Assembly (Radio TV B92)
The Coalition Povratak (KP) Presidency is due to meet in Kosovska Mitrovica today to decide whether their deputies will return to the Kosovo Assembly to participate in its work. The Head of the CCK, Nebojsa Covic, was also expected to attend the meeting. A KP Presidency member, Oliver Ivanovic, told Radio B92 that this would be the first serious discussion since KP left the Assembly.

Serb deputies walked out of the Assembly on 7 November when Assembly President Nexhat Daci refused to put KP's initiative to discuss implementation and respect for UNSC 1244 on the agenda, and because they said Daci had offended them during the session. Ivanovic pointed out that the main reason for leaving the Assembly session was 'majoritarianism' and disrespect of the Assembly's internal rules.

Ljajic: We reiterated our readiness to talk to Pristina (Tanjug)
The Federal Minister for National Minorities and Ethnic Communities and member of a delegation that met with the UN SG Kofi Annan, Rasim Ljajic, told BBC that the necessity for discussions and readiness of Belgrade officials to establish contacts with Kosovo Albanian representatives had been unambiguously confirmed at the meeting. "This is the first important moment and we are certainly waiting for reactions, particularly from the international community, ie UNMIK Chief Michael Steiner, and then from Kosovo Albanian leaders," said Ljajic.

Explosion in Obilic (BETA)
Zlatibor Stevic, a member of the Human Rights Committee in Obilic, told journalists that an unknown person threw an explosive device into an apartment located in the "YU Program building" in Obilic, which is owned by Jovanka Petkovic. No one was killed or injured but there was great material damage. Apart from Jovanka, two minor children were in the apartment at the time of the explosion, Stevic said. Kosovo Police Service members arrived at the scene and started an investigation.

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Covic opened CCK's office in northern Mitrovica (RTS)
Covic officially opened the CCK office in northern Mitrovica today. He also opened a media center furnished with computers and all other necessary equipment, which will be an integral part of the office. Speaking about the situation at the Kosovo Assembly, Covic said he hoped that Povratak would "overcome the crisis" and he recalled that Nexhat Daci had also promised to meet with KP deputies.

Covic: Southern Mitrovica will have no authority over the north (Tanjug)
"The first step in resolving the Kosovska Mitrovica issue will be that its southern part will have no authority over the northern part," said Covic at a press conference in Kosovska Mitrovica. "I see Kosovska Mitrovica in the future as a unified town," he said, and he assessed that decentralization of the provincial authority was inevitable. He expects that KPS would start operating in northern Mitrovica, as well and that former MUP members and the so-called "Bridge Watchers" would be integrated into the KPS.

UNMIK Police arrest Tanjug correspondent (Tanjug)
UNMIK Police arrested Tanjug's correspondent, Bojan Bozovic, and took him for interrogation to the Police station in Zubin Potok, under charges that he had allegedly threatened an UNMIK policeman. After the interrogation, UNMIK police escorted Bozovic to an investigative judge in Kosovska Mitrovica. UNMIK Police arrested Bozovic at 10 am in his apartment in Zubin Potok and took him away 'dressed in pajamas and socks, not letting him get dressed properly'. Police reportedly returned later and, 'without any warrant, searched the apartment where Bozovic lives with his sick mother and sister'.

The Deputy Commander of UNMIK Police station in Zubin Potok, Udo Willy, told Tanjug that police had searched for firearms but found nothing in the apartment. He refused to give further details regarding charges against the journalist. Tanjug says it learned that a German policeman from the same station was the one accusing Bozovic. He is allegedly having an affair with a girl, who is also a journalist and who used to be Bozovic's girlfriend. Bozovic himself allegedly warned his agency frequently over the previous couple of days that the policeman was threatening him and following him in a police vehicle.