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21 October 2002 Monday Edition CONTENTS
UNSG Kofi Annan criticizes Kosovo
Assembly and Government (Zëri) Zëri carries the statements of Rexhepi Hoti, advisor to Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi, and Alush Gashi, member of the Kosovo Assembly. "In order to provide an adequate treatment for minorities, the Assembly has ten seats reserved for the Serb minority and has also enabled them to have a ministerial post for returns in the Kosovo Government," Gashi was quoted as saying. In the meantime, Hoti said that Rexhepi's government has paid much attention to the integration of minorities and in this respect he pointed to Rexhepi's visits to areas inhabited by Serbs and the resolution for returns and minority integrations which was later endorsed by the assembly. Hoti said that those visits aimed to increase the trust of Kosovo Serbs in the government. "Since the forming of the government, two-thirds of its activities were focused on the integration of communities in the institutions," Hoti was quoted as saying. Commenting on Annan's criticism that the government hasn't properly allocated budget funds for municipalities inhabited by minorities, Hoti was quoted as saying, "The local institutions have nothing to do with the distribution of funds, be it in the central or local level, because that was done by the international administration in Kosovo," added Hoti. In closing, Zëri noted that Annan made his criticisms at a time when Prime Minister Rexhepi and several ministers of his government were on a visit to New York. Cufaj: Practical appeals with
practical answers (Koha Ditore) Does anyone remember the correspondence between SRSG Michael Steiner and one of the heads of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Artemije? To tell you the truth there was very little to remember because it was a very short correspondence, a letter from Artemije and Steiner's response. It was a short correspondence that touched many aspects of the survival of Serbs in Kosovo, without any concrete viewpoints and, as such, it was doomed to end fruitlessly. Like almost everything in the chaotic Serb leadership in Kosovo, but in the same measure as how Belgrade responds to Kosovo. Not only the present SRSG but also his closest aids have had difficulty in convincing Serbs to join what should be the institutional life in Kosovo. Serbs have proven that they really do not have a telephone number (V. Surroi) that would give a clear answer as to what they want and how they want to act in post-war Kosovo. In this respect, with a clear head we have to focus on two things that
make it difficult for Kosovo Serbs to join Kosovo institutions. The first
is tied to the not so distant past, while the second is tied to the future. The first aspect deals with the mistake that the majority of Albanians made, which is tied to how most of the Albanian population acted right after the war: the bad image created in the eyes of the world during and after Kosovo Serbs fled Kosovo. The fact that Kosovo society, political leaders but also the media did not manage to explain to the world the difference between Serbs fleeing (them being participants in crimes upon Albanians) and victimization (when Kosovar killed and usurped Serb property) is one reason that Kosovo is still paying the high price of not being recognized by the international community. This awkwardness is a bad mark that Kosovo has to pay the price for. What is most important is that this aspect of the fight by the Serb community for survival will be in the hands of the Serb Kosovo leaders in Prishtina and in some circles Belgrade will be used as a powerful political point in their hands. This will be so until Kosovo Albanians prove that they can guarantee security for Kosovo Serbs. After we do this, we won't be receiving letters from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan [telling us] that minorities are not being treated well. There are useless, or, better said, the complaints by the Albanian majority are unrealistic when they say that the Serb majority is represented in Kosovo institutions more than any minority in the world, when the reality deals primarily with freedom of movement of Serbs is on the contrary different. I believe that it would be better if we did not mention this fact at all - "the many rights that Kosovo Serbs have in Kosovo" - because this would bring us back to the time of Milosevic's regime when they used to say "minorities in Serbia have more rights than any other minorities in the world". The second important aspect that makes it difficult for Kosovo Serbs
to join in institutional life and also to participate in local elections
deals primarily with what can be called a Serb dream for the return of
Belgrade to control in any way the government in Kosovo. After these elections,
this dream will be even more distant and unreachable. These two very thick paths should be sufficient for Serbs, especially for their leaders, to make a very difficult to call their fellow countrymen to vote in the 26 October elections in Kosovo. To this we have to add two 'issues' that SRSG Michael Steiner laid on the table: the seven point plan for unifying the town of Mitrovica and also the hope for decentralization of Kosovo municipalities, a plan that has to be looked as one integral part in all Kosovo municipalities, especially the model called Mitrovica. Finding themselves in this position, it cannot be said that Serb leaders have difficulty in participating in the elections. The fact itself that Kosovo is becoming a secure place even for Serb community, the fact that the return of the Serb military and government is a dream, and the letters written on unification of Mitrovica. Having this package as a starting point, which Serbs believe is a fait accompli that Steiner has laid down on the table, has troubled them. To this, we have to add his political offensive to convince Kosovo Serbs that it is for their own good to participate in the elections. Naturally at a second glance, it can be seen that it is vital for Kosovo's not so distant future. It is imperative. This has to be accepted even though Steiner does not talk about this. It is clear that the UNMIK chief administrator knows very well that it would be a failure for him if Serbs do not participate in elections. This would be a failure for Serbs, Albanians and all other communities in Kosovo. It is not right to say "Steiner should not beg Serbs to participate" or Steiner is begging Serbs in a "pathetic manner" to participate in elections. Steiner's appeals are practical. For the present and Kosovo's future. For the time being from these appeals we have the following: Djindjic and Kostunica are for participating in elections. Kosovo Serb leaders do not know exactly what to do, and they will come up with a halfway solution, to participate in some parts and boycott the others. While Covic continues with his double standard that has the only aim already known to everyone: his personal gain of not getting lost in the vast number of DOS politicians in Belgrade. When UNMIK chief administrator Michael Steiner spent all of his cards in talks to convince Serbs to participate, he was left with his one and last card. This ace is called influence, or if you want to call it "begging" that the Serbs will receive from Washington, London, Brussels, Berlin that it is for the good of Serbs to participate in Kosovo local elections. If happens what is most expected, that Serbs will only "partially" participate in elections, then this would be only a sign that that Serbs want to answer Steiner and the international community in a practical way. This is not such a good thing for Kosovo because this would imply status quo. We know that status quo is the last thing that Kosovo needs in these hard and difficult moments of venturing into the consolidation of long-lasting institutions. INDEX KOSOVA poll: More than 70%
of Kosovars will vote (Zëri) The polling was conducted from 4-10 October 2002, and 1,100 Albanians from all of Kosovo participated. According to the polls, 73.1% will probably vote, 16.1 are most likely to vote, 2%, a very slim chance they will vote, 4.5% say that it is almost impossible that they will vote in these elections, while 4% say that they have not decided if they will vote or not. According to the poll, the three main political parties are represented: LDK has 54% female and 46% male voters. AAK has 56.5% female and 43.5 male voters. PDK has 55.1% male and 44.9 female voters. Fieschi: Quiet campaign-result
of prosperity in Kosovo (Epoka e Re) Fieschi stressed that after these elections there will be no more representatives appointed by the international community, as was the case with first local elections where Serbs were appointed because Serbs had boycotted the elections. Fieschi added that after local elections, local government in Kosovo would have more competencies. Shala: Businessmen and investment
(Zëri) It would sound slightly pretentious to say that meetings of our government with Albanian businessmen in Western Europe and US are conferences for investments in Kosovo. Governors would hasten to correct us, saying that we have to do with conferences where our Diaspora (and use of this word is disputable) is being informed on Kosovo's economic and political development. Nevertheless, it would be unrealistic to expect that after these meetings, our businessmen would immediately respond with their investments. These are different times. In the nineties, Albanians' political organizing, be it peaceful or later military asked for a great support from Albanians abroad. It is known that tens and hundreds of millions of dollars and DMs were given. Even during the first years after the war, a lot of money has come from there, this time for rebuilding individual properties. Such a fast recovery of Kosovo would have been impossible without financing from the West. But there are different circumstances now. It wouldn't be honorable if we in Kosovo expect our businessmen to enter here with investments, first of all based on the political logic of help for Kosovo. Finally, even if this logic were to be considered, it would be soon exhausted. Our businessmen in the West are westerners as far as their belonging is concerned - business. To bring them here the same conditions as bringing foreign investors would be required. And our businessmen have the right to ask for legal, banking and political security before they invest. COMKFOR General Fabio Mini interview for Koha Ditore Could you describe the general situation in Kosovo and the progress achieved
since summer 1999? These black points that you mention are the Serb enclaves or
? What is KFOR's contribution to achievements in Kosovo? The second achievement is that the duties of KFOR are gradually being transferred into the hands of the international police and Kosovar institutions, i.e. security in Serb enclaves, KFOR checkpoints and several other duties. The third achievement is freedom of movement. I remember 1999 when people in Kosovo felt endangered during their movement and this improved now. There are still some deficiencies in freedom of movement due to interethnic relations and therefore work still must be done in this issue. What about KFOR's role on election day
? Should more competencies be given to Kosovar institutions, the Government
and the Assembly? In this respect, there must be a progressive transition. Local institutions must prove they are willing to take competencies from the internationals. The seven point plan to resolve the problem of the divided town of Mitrovica,
compiled by UNMIK chief Michael Steiner, was welcomed by international
and Kosovar institutions. As for KFOR's contribution on the issue of Mitrovica, I don't agree with those who say that KFOR has done little work in that area. KFOR contributed a lot to stabilizing the situation in Mitrovica and, thanks to KFOR, Mitrovica is no longer a troublesome area in Kosovo. One of the achievements is that KFOR has deployed an interim administration in Mitrovica, together with KPS and UNMIK Police, and now the Mitrovica problem is not solely in the hands of KFOR. I think that if there is no progress after the elections, then we should be more engaged in this sector and what I think we should in the future is to initiate the idea of multinational troops. Instead of having one brigade in one sector, we should have many brigades. What role has KFOR played in arresting extremists from northern Kosovo,
i.e. Milan Ivanovic? In the military aspect, what would be the consequences of Kosovo Serb
votes for extremism, respectively for Vojislav Seselj? What is your message to the people of Kosovo, now that we are on the
eve of second local elections, due to be held on 26 October? The present time is a time of opportunities and chances. Every Kosovar, especially young people, should take over responsibilities. If we just sit around and wait for someone to come and lead us toward a better future, then this will never happen. The international community can help the country develop, and living in the past and illusions about the future are useless. If I take personal responsibility for security in Kosovo, I will be pleased with the task and will know what to do. Why do most meetings of KFOR MNB commanders tackle the issue of reducing
peacekeeping forces, an issue that worries the people of Kosovo? We will reduce our troops because there is a safer environment and because we have to increase the efficiency of our tasks. Many military engagements will be transformed into local engagements, such as civil institutions, police, customs and the local population. People here should be concerned if troops are not reduced because this would mean that the overall situation hasn't improved and that a lot of work remains to be done. Serbia has to forget Kosovo (Kosova
Sot/Epoka e Re) Bugajski reportedly said that Serbia should become Europe and it shouldn't stagnate at the half way point, in no man's land. Speaking about the Kosovo issue, Bugajski said that courage would be required in order to release Kosovo, to separate, because with Kosovo, "problems, not solutions are made", since the Albanian population doesn't want to be part of Serbia. "Unfortunately, Serbia doesn't have courageous politicians who would say - Kosovo is the past, let us move forward and become part of Europe," Bugajski told VoA. Predicting the continuation of political problems in Serbia, Bugajski said that the necessary 50 percent turnout for elections in Serbia has complicated the situation. "If the Kosovar population was taken off from the general number of voters, Kostunica would today be president," he said. Comparing the platforms of the two strongest political entities in Serbia, Bugajski said that Kostunica has a greater chance of winning the elections. Commenting on affirmations in the West that the Yugoslav president encouraged ultranationalists during the election campaign, Bugajski said that "Kostunica is certainly not Milosevic and he will not impose his beliefs using violence". "If he would create an atmosphere for a greater Serbia, than this would be a negative message for the entire region," he said. Instead of nationalism, Bugajski advises Serbia to think about reforms, because without economic reforms the state cannot prosper. "Integration is required, attracting of foreign investments, undertaking the most different economic measures these are still absent in Serbia" Bugajski was quoted as saying. Buçpapaj: Kofi Annan should
believe Kofi Annan and not Kostunica (Bota Sot) UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica met on 12 September at Security Council. On the same day, Kostunica's speak to the UN Security Council was full of lies and falsifications in which he labeled Kosovo as "factor of political destabilization and the center of organized crime". He once more lied about the overall number of Serbs when he said that 250,000 Serbs were expelled from Kosovo to Serbia, when we know from official Serb statistics that 190,000 Serbs lived in Kosovo, and right now there are about 100,000 Serbs living in Kosovo. He continued with falsified information saying that Serbs and Albanians are not treated the same, when it is common knowledge that Serbs live better than Albanians, because Serbs have financial backing from Serbia as well as from Kosovo and KFOR provides security for them. A month after Kostunica's visit to UNSC, on 18 October UNSC Kofi Annan criticized local government in Kosovo "that is treating minorities differently" and because the Kosovo Assembly has not agreed to include the Serb university in northern Mitrovica as part of the unified education system". Reading Annan's text it is clearly seen that the report was influenced by Kostunica's falsifying propaganda during his last visit to New York. Annan's October report has changed by 180 degrees from the 26 July report where UNSG Annan said, "The UN expresses the optimism for the well being of minorities in Kosovo," and Annan evaluated that "for the first time since UN Mission in Kosovo there are conditions for the start of ethnic dialogue". Nothing significant happened in these three moths that should have changed Annan's report so dramatically. While regarding Kostunica, we know that he has remained the same ultra-nationalist Serb leader that has constantly opposed UNMIK in Kosovo, the Hague tribunal and the will of 95% of the people of Kosovo. Vojislav Kostunica continues to defend the Serb ultra-nationalistic thesis regarding Kosovo. Belgrade Media Update Kosovo Serb IDP associations have differing views
regarding participation in municipal elections in Kosovo (B92/Fonet) Vojislav Stijovic, head of the IDP association, Djeravica, , is advocating another option, "We would not vote, as we do not see what we would gain by participating in the elections and for many other reasons. Mr. Steiner and the international community have not done anything for us. We have a feeling that they do not want us to return there. We do not have basic human rights - to live, to move freely, to work That is why we think that these elections should be boycotted and that we should continue our struggle the best way we can," said Stijovic. Selective election participation unacceptable,
says Rada Trajkovic (Tanjug) According to Rada Trajkovic's assessment, selective participation in the elections in five municipalities where Serbs are in the majority, would signal that those Serbs and Serbs living in the enclaves as minority residents are disunited, which would be directly against the interests of Serb returnees. However, Tanjug has learned that Serbs will not make their decision at the same meeting should take place, the Chief of UNMIK Michael Steiner has scheduled a press conference. He is expected to announce whether he has accepted the most recent Serb conditions to give firm guarantees for decentralization prior to the municipal elections, or to reiterate his stance that decentralization of the province can be discussed only after 26 October. Steiner to offer alternations of his plan to Kosovo
Serbs (SRNA) The main alternation is that municipal sub-units, consisting as parts of every municipality in Kosovo, could grow into municipalities on their own, where Serbs could be in majority. Steiner has scheduled a press conference for noon today to present the changes and once again call on Kosovo Serbs to participate in the municipal elections. UNMIK has unofficially announced that decentralization of Kosovo would start right after the elections, pending the Serb participation. Steiner invited political leaders to discuss Kosovo's
decentralization (B92/Beta)
Steiner invited political leaders to discuss Kosovo's
decentralization (Beta : full version ) "Those municipal units will be established on the basis of a request by elected municipal assembly members or a petition by inhabitants in those areas where there has been sizeable participation by the community concerned in the municipal elections," said Steiner. He did not directly mention the Serb community in Kosovo, or at all mentioned Serbs and their requests for participating in the municipal elections in Kosovo, scheduled for 26 October.The Chief of UNMIK just read the announcement and did not answer any questions. Those municipal units, according to Steiner, would have authorities in the areas of primary and secondary education, primary health care, urban and rural planning, and would be provided with a budget commensurate with the responsibilities and size of the unit. The municipal units would be dealing with "the development of services and facilities, in accordance with municipal policy" and would be authorized to make decisions over issues of local importance, "such as markets, public spaces, cultural activities and sports," said Steiner. "It is my position that in those municipalities where non-majority communities have participated in a sizeable way in the municipal elections, they will be entitled to executive posts in the municipal government in line with the Constitutional Framework," said Kosovo's administrator. He added that "upon discussions of this concept" he would "promulgate the decentralization program in the form of a legally binding document". Following this, elections for the councils of the municipal units will be organized within six months after the initiation of their establishment. Steiner said that "in the longer term" a look at the competencies of central and local authorities would be needed, as well as their redefinition where necessary. Regional Update No massive turnout in Montenegrin elections (all
dailies) Since both communities support the agreement to replace "Yugoslavia" with Serbia and Montenegro Union, the election campaign was concentrated on economic problems, says Koha Ditore. Bota Sot reports that there was no massive turnout of population in elections. Contests within BDI on nomination of two ministers
(Koha Ditore) This daily reports that Branko Crvenkovski was supposed to announce the names of his cabinet on Sunday and present the list of ministers to the parliament. Zëri reports that on Sunday three unidentified persons in an Opel-Ascona shot at a group of young Macedonians who were playing basketball. The three injured were sent to Tetovo hospital, but one of them died en route. The night before, at the same place, Macedonian Police killed one Albanian and injured another, reports Zëri. This daily says that the attack on young Macedonians could be revenge on the event a night before. The same daily reports that BDI condemned these events in Macedonia: It is the last opportunity for Macedonia to be ruled by the state of law, and for the police to complete its duties in defense of the citizens and order and not by violating them.
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