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25 October 2002
CONTENTS
- "Show your power - vote" is united message from three biggest parties (Koha)
- Kosovo's Independent Union demands massive vote (Koha Ditore)
- Serbian government calls on Serbs to vote in the Kosovo elections (Koha Ditore)
- At the end of a quiet campaign (Zëri)
- Surroi: Why should we vote (Koha Ditore)
- Xhaferi: The right to be alarmed (Koha Ditore)
"Show your power - vote" is united message
from three biggest parties (Koha)
Koha Ditore reports that LDK, PDK and the AAK gathered under the
same roof yesterday in a conference room at the Kosovo Assembly building
to present a common message to the citizens of Kosovo one day before the
municipal elections. This was the first time the three largest Albanian
political parties ever gathered at such an event to speak out to the people,
appealing to them to vote.
LDK's message was: "As you all know Kosovo has passed through a difficult time and now it's time to head towards a democratic era. We have lived through the conflict, we have built up the institutions together, and we have established the basis of economic structures with the assistance of the internationals," said LDK spokesperson Lulzim Zeneli.
PDK deputy Nasalize Balaj was quoted as saying, "This is the time, never has it been more important for all Kosovars to come together." He added that October 26 is a chance to show everyone that "we as Kosovar citizens can be united; only you have the power on this day".
AAK secretary Gjylnaze Syla said: "We appeal to the citizens. Show your willpower by going to give your vote to whichever party you want. Most important is to vote because you have the ability to make Kosovo a better place."
Kosovo's Independent Union demands massive vote
(Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore reports that Kosovo's Independent Union (BSPK) of workers
has released a communiqué calling for all members and employers
to go out and vote on Saturday. The BSPK directors say they have followed
the election campaign and evaluate that it is right and correct to vote,
since it is important for all of Kosovo's citizens to participate.
Serbian government calls on Serbs to vote in the
Kosovo elections (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore reported today that the Serbian Government has called on Kosovo
Serbs to take part in the local elections on Saturday 26 October.
"Participation in the elections creates the basis for organised decentralized local self-government in Kosovo, and with it basic presumptions for realistic repatriation of Serbs and other non-Albanians to Kosovo," read a Serbian government statement issued on Thursday.
"Understand that participation is in the best interest of Serbia and Yugoslavia," the Serbian government said to the citizens, political parties and all other participants in political activities, adding that they should respect the electoral process regardless of their political attitude and beliefs about the elections.
At the end of a quiet campaign (Zëri)
Zëri ran an editorial by Blerim Shala who says that elections in
Kosovo are the quietest in Balkans, and that they should be praised in
western capitals, but that all this success could be devaluated if turnout
is low at the polls.
In the past two years, internationals in Kosovo have had to skip from one worry to another. Thus, in September 2000, during the campaign for the first free democratic elections in Kosovo's history, Westerners were afraid of political violence during the campaign and on Election Day. Now, in October 2002, the dread is different: they think the elections will be too peaceful or rather that turnout won't be like it was in the two previous elections.
From the legal aspect everything is known. The elections are regular and valid, no matter the percentage of voters. But democracy in Kosovo is a special "plant", which is cultivated by us Kosovars and westerners; therefore, if there isn't a massive turnout of voters, it will be difficult to avoid sad conclusions.
It is true that nowhere else in the Balkans are elections organized as well as here in Kosovo. The campaign is quiet and not even minor excesses have been marked. Election day will certainly be the same. But then, the Kosovo political scene has a tendency to concentrate at the center of political issues and avoid extremes.
All these elements that show Kosovo to be a success story are concluded in Brussels, New York, and Washington. But, if the percentage of voter turnout falls, than this success would be downgraded.
Surroi: Why should we vote (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore carried a commentary by its publisher Veton Surroi on the
reasons why Kosovars should vote. Surroi wrote:
1. At the beginning of autumn this year, I heard many reasons given by disappointed citizens who believed they shouldn't vote in 26 October local elections. Most of their reasoning was based on reality, on the fact that local and parliamentary elections did not bring any efficient decision-making, nor did the government come closer to the citizens. The main argument was that all the important decisions are taken by UNMIK, and Kosovar political parties are of such low quality that even the competencies that are handed by UNMIK are used improperly or not used at all. The truth is that these elections won't even create any structural changes; we can't expect UNMIK to fade away and the municipalities overnight to become as efficient as in western countries.
After the elections, we will see that in Kosovo the same deep problems are present that derive from the lack of decision making to the lack of economic development.
2. Nevertheless, these elections have an importance larger than the municipalities. On one side, they prove the powerful trend of democratic consolidation. Electoral democracy in Kosovo has been established extremely fast in these past three years and the democratic culture has risen as nowhere in the region, especially if we take into consideration the collective traumas that we went through in the previous ten years.
On the other hand, and this was observed in the present electoral campaign, a knowledge of democratic procedure does exist among politicians in the municipalities. There is a paradox of the phenomenon where party members at the municipal level appear more serious than those at the central level. There was less demagoguery regarding the issue of Kosovo's status (which was mentioned more than enough) and more importance was given to the issue of roads, sewers and Ministry of Environment and spatial planning and repair of the municipalities. In fact, the issue of responsibility for political action or inaction is more evident in the municipalities; citizens and also politicians noticed this.
Both of these factors are very important. The rhythm of political development in Kosovo cannot be compared with the emergency phase (when we were all fascinated that successful elections have been organized), but to the efficient governing phase. The issue that will arise after these elections is, not the question of whether or not Kosovo has electoral democracy, but the efficient administration of this democracy. To do this, we need new people, as the debates in municipalities have reminded us.
3. The electorate should vote. Maybe it was disappointed in the past or the overall efficiency of the government, but by voting we help the municipalities in Kosovo to move forward to a more dynamic phase of governmental development.
Moreover, after these municipal elections, we will not have the same electoral rhythm. The next elections will be in four years. The citizen who does not vote takes on a great responsibility for the fate of the municipality he lives in. This is a very long for the citizens, but very short for the elected administration.
Hysa: Who will decide for Kosovo Serbs?
Koha Ditore carried a commentary by the director of Kosovo Action for
Civic Initiatives (KACI), Ylber Hysa, which asks who will decide for Kosovo
Serbs: UNMIK, Belgrade, or should they decide for themselves? Hysa wrote:
The Serb community in Kosovo faced a big dilemma on the issue of participating in local elections. After pressure from the international community, there was need for an improvised consensus, from Coordinator Council for Kosovo led by Covic, all the way up to the Serb Orthodox Church. After a closed debate, two options prevailed: total boycott or selective participation in the municipalities, and Rada Trajkovic added another option, the organizing of separate Serb elections.
Steiner's advisor for returns, Nenad Radosavljevic, said that Serbs should participate in elections or they would lose a lot. Oliver Ivanovic decided to be pragmatic and say nothing. Momcilo Trajkovic has accused Belgrade circles of manipulating and abusing Kosovo Serbs, an allusion to Covic, who said that Serbs should either totally boycott elections or participate in them. The voice that was supposed to be most influential was Bishop Artemije's, but it seems he decided not to impose himself.
Development within the political corpus of Kosovo Serbs
The debate about participation in the Kosovo elections resulted in a very
interesting development with the Serb community and their political representatives.
In fact, this debate started months before and was linked to several current
topics, including decentralization, the presidential election in Serbia
and the incident with Milan Ivanovic. The Ivanovic incident has promoted
cohesion within the divided Serb National Council, which reflected little
the division between north and central Kosovo. As a consequence, some
Serb leaders that are part of Kosovo institutions, such as Rada Trajkovic
and Oliver Ivanovic, moved closer to the more radical line in the north
represented by Milan Ivanovic and Marko Jaksic. Looked at from the inside,
this seemed a powerful bond that dealt not only with developments within
the rival groups in Belgrade, between Djindjic, Kostunica and Covic, but
also facing their imposed unity. For a while Marko Jaksic had lost Kostunica's
blessing and it seemed that he was not on the preferred list by the DSS
for Kosovo. In fact, they have prepared a replacement for him, a doctor
from Gjilanë, Todorovic, who is already taking part in Kosovo's new
institutions. Milan Ivanovic was forced by Belgrade to surrender, and
many compromises were related to this, to save and control someone like
him. This was the part of an agreement that was raised as an issue in
a meeting with Steiner; and after a short while, Doctor Ivanovic surrendered
and was released on bail.
With this an interesting new chapter was opened within the political corpus of Kosovo Serbs and their relations with Belgrade. First, the situation after the presidential elections in Serbia clarified many things in Belgrade, including relations with Kosovo Serbs. It was seen that Kostunica could win and Seselj demonstrated that he has strong support, especially among Kosovo Serbs. However, this seemed more a protest than the realistic possibility for Seselj to control developments in Kosovo, except in one part of northern Mitrovica. Covic, who invested part of his political engagement in Kosovo, did so solely to built his political career. He decided at the last moment to join Kostunica and, as the senior representative of Kosovo Serbs, he had a dominant role in relations with UNMIK. Because Steiner constantly insisted on keeping in contact with Djindjic, and even meeting without the knowledge of Covic or other Serb institutions, it seems that a great deal has happened lately in decisions for Serb to participate in elections and decentralization, which has been the target of the personal spite of the anti-Djindjic group in Belgrade, for which Steiner has paid a high price. The Serb political spectrum is artificially gathering around Povratak, which is trying to keep an umbilical cord still attached to Belgrade, by pressuring them and at the same time supporting them. Thus some political representatives, and among them are many that have no influence with the Serb electorate in Kosovo, are now fully supporting Covic and Kostunica, who have to use their clout to convince Kosovo Serbs to participate in the elections and even tell them where to vote. Someone like Covic has a clear political calculation in this political engagement. He hopes he might even become Serb Prime Minister if Kostunica wins the presidential elections in Serbia. The safe keeping of this relationship and the controlling of Povratak and SNC seems to be a marriage of interest. Covic would like it if Serbs "alone" decided to participate in the Kosovo elections and he did not have to take responsibility. At the same time, he wants to tell them where and for whom should they vote. Normally, he is in a hurry to elect Serb representatives so then they can have more direct responsibilities and for him to gradually withdraw from the final political battles in Belgrade.
On the afternoon of 26 October, the day Kosovo local elections are to
be held, DOS will have an important meeting where they will try, for the
last time, to reconcile the divided politicians, or better said, to gain
time to come to a gentlemen's agreement until a date can be set for new
Serbian presidential elections. This is important for political rivals
in Belgrade, but it just as important for Kosovo Serb representatives.
Looking at the big picture, there are two addresses that have influence
on Kosovo Serbs. One is the SPS (Milosevic's party) and Seselj's is Kostunica
and DSS. There are many local leaders who could have imposed themselves
during these three years of Kosovo's new political reality. Leaders around
Bishop Artemije, such as Rada Trajkovic, who had the chance to build the
image of being close to internationals and Kosovo's newest institutions.
On the other hand, Moma Trajkovic is attempting to use this time to marginalize
himself from Belgrade and the internationals and at the same time built
a net of supporters in Central Kosovo. The Movement for Kosovo and Metohija
is a new political entity led by Moma Trajkovic, who is attempting to
gather around himself small political parties and citizens' initiatives,
such as OSA (Survival of Serbs in Kosovo), which mostly has supporters
in Anamorava, and KOS (Kosovo Objective Party), based in Graçanica.
PKM candidates are mostly local Serbs that lead with the principle "we
are here and here we will remain" and on their list are influential
individuals within the local community like Goran Stanojevic-Giga, a school
director in Graçanica, who lost his hand from a hand grenade while
saving the life of pupil, or Aca Nikolic, a businessman and the head of
the Hotel Molika in Shtërpce. In fact, PKM has the support of the
villages around Prishtina and Shtërpce where his main opponents will
be SPS and DSS. If Serbs in central Kosovo participate in elections, then
the political battle will be between PKM, DSS and SPS, while the SNC is
the favorite in three municipalities in the north (Leposaviç, Zubin
Potok and Zveçan). On the other hand, Coalition Povratak has candidates
in 27 municipalities and as such it presents the most available Serb political
option in Kosovo.
Mitrovica meeting and deciding on options
Local Kosovo Serbs and Belgrade leaders have agreed to vote in five municipalities,
three in the north (Leposaviç, Zveçan, Zubin Potok) and
Novo Brdo and Shtërpce. This endless debate came to an end after
consultations with northern Mitrovica, which were a direct consequence
of the pressure applied by internationals. In Mitrovica on 19 October,
they discussed all the possible options for or against participation in
the elections. Milan Ivanovic revealed the five options: boycott; selective
participation where Serbs are in the majority; holding of separate Serb
elections; participation in all municipalities. Ivanovic mentioned a fifth
option, alluding to what Rada Trajkovic had earlier said about not participating
in the elections "because there are no existing conditions".
Mrs. Trajkovic said she would support the possibility of "selective
participation in only 15% and boycotting the 85% of municipalities".
The meeting was chaired by CCK head Nebojsa Covic, while Bishop Artemije
and the head of the PKM, Moma Trajkovic were not present. In fact, there
was a mass Serb mood for Kosovo Serbs not to participate in the elections,
and it was the pressure applied by the internationals and the suggestion
from Belgrade that decided the option of selective participation, which
means Leposaviç, Zveçan, Zubin Potok, Novo Brdo and Shtërpce.
This decision was followed up with a condition. Milan Ivanovic called
UNMIK to start with quick decentralization in the next six months. It
seems that the campaign for not participating in elections was excluded
and at the same time a decision to participate in five municipalities
was supported.
Selective elections: A threatening intermezzo or buying time?
This means that the option that supports three political aims: First,
the forming of a strong position in municipalities with Serb majorities
(which directly threatens the option of division in the near future, because
it places legitimate control on the municipalities that are on Kosovo
borders); second, gives UNMIK the possibility and the needed pressure
to make progress toward decentralization outside these five municipalities;
third, it maintains control of other parts where Serbs live (central Kosovo
and Anamorava) where forces that are under Belgrade's control would win
(which could possibly lose on 26 October), especially after presidential
elections in Serbia end and political scene in Serbia is clarified.
Indirect consequences in democratization of Serb society in Kosovo would be that there would be no normal process of legitimizing Kosovo Serb political forces. As a consequence, there would an engineering of political entities and legitimate representatives that would be potential negotiating partners in decentralization and would fulfill the Belgrade-Kosovo Serb representative-UNMIK triangle. The Serbs would not have inclusive posts in Kosovo's new local government and as such they could not influence the electoral race of the Albanian political entities. As a consequence, there will be more possibilities for the biggest Kosovo Albanian political party to win more votes. The Serb political scene would not be profiled according to the political affinities determined by the will of the voters.
Possible consequences after 26 October: Between decentralization and
disappointment
As a consequence of strenuous debate between Steiner and Serbs that ended
with the option that Serbs chose in Mitrovica and Steiner's offer for
decentralization made on 21 October, a compromise was achieved: Practically
the Serbs did not do what Steiner wanted, and UNMIK chief administrator
did not fully offer the program the Serbs wanted. Thus Belgrade did not
manage to impose its stance toward UNMIK and local Serbs (even though
Steiner and UNMIK had to accept them as partners), as Kosovo Serbs did
not mange to fully impose their stance, but managed in a limited way to
effect their positions in Belgrade and in Prishtina.
It is interesting that with all the latest developments, where Serb political groups have debated and disagreed with the relations between Belgrade-UNMIK-Kosovo Serb representatives, an authentic force was not formed that would reflect the real and authentic interests of Serbs in Kosovo. Slavisa Kolasinac in Rahovec and Grujic in Novo Brdo have been totally marginalized. In this respect, people like Rada Trajkovic, who stood close to internationals and took part in Kosovo's new institutions, did not mange to create support within the Serb community and stopped half way. Moma Trajkovic's Movement, which leads with "the authentic Serb voice", was, in fact, engaged in imposing itself as "the inevitable political address" and authority that would defend to the end their proclaimed interests. The taking of sides, moving from one side to the other, from Kostunica to Covic, all the way to Djindjic, was only a joint political maneuver which was not, in principle, for the majority of the Kosovo Serb politicians. The newest processes after the elections and the debates on decentralization would initiate an inner debate to profile the Serb political corpus, depending on the results of this debate and other political developments that could lead to a disappointment or total dependency.
If Serbs do not participate outside the five municipalities, they directly challenge Steiner's concept for participating in the debate on decentralization. This is why it seems that Steiner is threatening that there will be no Gjilanë meeting if Serbs do not participate in large numbers in elections.
It seems that it is more important for Kosovo Serbs what happens after 26 October and not what happens on 26 October.
Xhaferi: The right to be alarmed (Koha Ditore)
Awareness, consciousness, being conscientious about what is happening
to you and around you is one of the principal qualities of maturity in
an individual or a society. Politics usually plays the role of the vanguard.
It is first, with or without competencies, to react to danger, be it true
or be it slander; its alarms induce the organism to wake up. Alarms very
often are slanders, but much less harmful than delirium and apathy. Conscientious
nations with a developed policy have much more advanced alarm sensors,
which react at the first sign, no matter how minor the danger; and they
don't stop signaling until the danger has passed. Organisms that have
defects in their alarm and signaling system are not able to defend themselves
and they become seriously ill. Thus, the first duty of the attacker is
to neutralize this system, be it through a physical act or through camouflage
or interference by presenting itself as a benign mission. For a long time,
we were used to hearing, along the line of the functioning of this alarming
system, that in Kosovo, Russian interests are being defended (perhaps
because of Chechnya), or Chinese (the Tibet issue), Turkish (the Kurds),
Serbian, Macedonian (Gligorov often used to say that Kosovo's independence
endangers the interests of the Macedonian state), etc. These interferences
became so familiar that, even amongst Albanians, the wrong impression
was created that if an Albanian from Macedonia or Albania said something
about Kosovo, this meant they were interfering in the internal affairs
of Kosovo or of the political class that represents it.
Albanians are one nation with the same origin, history, culture and strategic interests, but they have a handicap. They don't have a joint strategy or alarm system. This situation brings up paradoxical conclusions. Chinese and Russians at the Security Council protect their interests in Kosovo; Belgrade Serbs decide on the interests of Kosovo Serbs; while Turkey defends the interests of Turks in Kosovo. Thus they all defend something of theirs in Kosovo. It seems the time has come to explode and shout in one voice that in these territories, the real and common interest of Albanians is being defended.
Recently, the chief administrator's plan for decentralization appeared. The title itself doesn't raise an alarm, since every democratic state cultivates the idea of devolution of government, thus decentralization. From this point of view, Rugova and PDK president Mr. Hashim Thaçi supported this idea for decentralization, which is democratic and civilized. So, where is the defect in the plan? This proposal has a crucial failure and a methodological failure.
The crucial failure lies in the fact that decentralization in this plan can be identified as territorial division, or that it offers to territorialize the ethnicity issue. In the first point of the concept, establishment of municipalities for sizeable non-majority is foreseen, thus based on ethnic identify. What is wrong here? First of all:
· it inaugurates the principal organization based on ethnicity within society, by which the principle of multiethnicity is destroyed. Based on this concept, ethnic communities will live isolated in their Bantustans, enclaves, which will make impossible to create a cohesive system, without which no society can function;
· it stresses the ethnic, and not economic, geographic, administrative and infrastructural elements, in the establishment of municipalities;
· it ruins Kosovo's unitary character;
· it creates legal preconditions that would make a referendum for Kosovo independence in the future impossible, since it creates conditions for legitimizing the idea for referendum within self-administrating units, municipalities. Therefore, this plan consciously or unconsciously, is foreplay to making a referendum for Kosovo's independence or eventual division impossible; and,
· it opens the path for re-consulting other former Yugoslav areas, first of all Macedonia, to find a solution to these problems. As is known, Albanians of Macedonia, even in the most difficult moments, found the political and moral wherewithal not to territorialize the Albanian issue in Macedonia, but they asked for rights, preserving in this way unity of the state and enabling real possibilities for creation of a new cohesiveness in new conditions. Considered objectively, such announcements will directly destabilize the project of multiethnicity in Macedonia. What is surprising is the fact that it hasn't been understood once and for all that consideration without criteria of Serb concept which acknowledges territorial idea as a form of solution for ethnic contests was a source of crisis in the past and will be in the future.
Why is the idea of blackmail being promoted?
The methodological failure of this concept is the fact that blackmail
is being promoted in Kosovo as a way of imposing ideas and solutions that
not only contradict civilized concepts that promote inclusiveness, but
also have direct negative impact on other areas where these ideas have
been considered.
This concept of Mr. Steiner's opens another dilemma: does the international factor have joint ideas of its own for resolving the Yugoslav crisis? Or, do these ideas depend on the knowledge and individual convictions of different international representatives. The idea of territorializing the Serb issue in Kosovo is not compatible with the multiethnic concept so much favored by international factor.
The territorial concept for solving interethnic crises will definitely lead towards creation of national states or the crippling of the cities. The Mostar and Mitrovica practice of division will lead to the division of Skopje.
Mr. Steiner's concept makes the mistake of evaluating priorities, since it starts to resolve things from the tail end. The Serb issue in Kosovo cannot be resolved when Kosovo as crucial issue in the Yugoslav crisis has not been resolved. Thus, without resolving the issue of Kosovo's status, other issues cannot be resolved. It is clear that if Kosovo's status were resolved first, on its legal and legitimate path to self-determination as an element of the ex-federation, then Albanians would be much more tolerant of the process of finding solutions for preserving the interests of the Serb population and of their cultural heritage in Kosovo.
It is also clear that Serbs, up to now, through military, political and other forms of blackmail, have succeeded in giving their interests priority status on the agenda. Even though unquestioned instigators of the war, they managed to oblige the international community to resolve Serbian issue in Yugoslavia: they gulped up half of Bosnia, preserved their vital positions in Eastern Croatia, also kept Montenegro, creating in this way, with the help of European community, different variations of Yugoslavia. Without making much noise, they closed the Vojvodina issue, annexed in 1918; pacified with offensive offers the Albanian issue in Eastern Kosovo,; and now they oblige Mr. Steiner through various blackmails to be not only the UN Special Representative but also a clerk in Covic's cabinet.
Serbian policy manages through a hysterical alarm system to present their
territorial hunger as protective device, while the Albanians' non-alarming
policy puts them on the path of endless recession.
"Mistakes" and confusions of UNMIK spokespeople (Zëri)
Zëri reported on what it termed the "mistakes" and confusions
of UNMIK spokespeople.
"Among the four Kosovo Albanians arrested this morning in Peja by military police, is Ekrem Lluka, 47 years old, owner of the Dukagjini company. General Agim Çeku's (ex-KLA leader and present KPC commander) brother also ended up in jail" was reported the Italian news agency, ANSA, on 22 October. UNMIK spokesperson Andrea Angeli was quoted as saying that "the four arrested are at present being investigated by Italian police which is in the UN mission", concludes ANSA, quoting Italian Angeli.
"We received this information from UNMIK officials in Kosovo," said the editor of ANSA for Zëri by telephone. She said she was surprised that the news that General Çeku's brother was arrested was not true.
"I am not quite sure whether this information arrived from our office in Tirana, or in what form; however, I am convinced that we contacted Prishtina," said ANSA's news editor for Balkans and Kosovo.
"It is true that I have communicated with someone from ANSA by phone, but it is not true that I told them that General Çeku's brother, or anyone else, was arrested," Angeli said, convinced. "We never make public the names of the arrested," he said.
But just yesterday Angeli was convinced that arrests took place in Peja, the day when the tobacco warehouse which belongs to the magnate, Ekrem Lluka, was blocked and four were arrested. "Here is the press release issued by KFOR, which says that they were arrested," said Angeli.
That press release says, among other things, that four suspects were, in the English version, "detained", which could be translated in various ways, starting with arrest, stopped, held, etc.
"How would you think that people are released if arms are found?" stressed Angeli, alluding to the four AK-47s and some ammunition found while raiding Dukagjini company. Ekrem Lluka has denied having been arrested.
It is strange that in this case everything sounds Italian, the police that conducted the investigations, the UNMIK spokesperson and the news agency. A prestigious agency like ANSA didn't receive the false news of General Çeku's brother from the sky, somebody told them.
Chief of all UNMIK spokespeople, Simon Haselock, asked about the latest confusion created by "lesser" spokespeople, is convinced that there is no conspiracy there. "Andrea Angeli only clarified the situation with his announcement," he said, protecting his colleague.
"But we also make mistakes and then correct ourselves. It happens that we receive information from various sources and sometimes that information is wrong. But we all make mistakes; you media also make mistakes," he said.
It is not more than a week since RTK and QIK [Kosovo Information Center]
quoted two UNMIK spokespeople as saying that two suspects in the murder
of Avni Elezi and Bekim Mustafa in Peja a few days ago had been arrested.
Just a few hours later, UNMIK officials denied these announcements, calling
them false.
Kosovo Campaign Coverage
Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK)
Dailies report on the close of the LDK campaign at the football stadium
in Prishtina. The event had more of a festive character then a political
one. Instead of the regular political speeches, the party organized a
cultural and artistic program.
Koha Ditore quotes Rugova as saying in Prishtina, "I have a message to the citizens referring to Kosovo's independence, integrated by NATO and EU, together with the assistance of the United States, that the process to gain independence isn't far away."
"We have shown the world that we are ready for independence,"
Rugova was quoted in Zëri, reporting on the same rally, and he added,
"We are working on the integration of ethnic minority groups to make
them feel more welcome in to the society of Kosovo, where we offer them
security and support."
Kosova Democratic Party (PDK)
Dailies report that the PDK party closed its election campaign in Prizren.
By voting for PDK in Prizren, the citizens "will win open wide everywhere
in Kosovo," Hashim Thaçi said for Koha Ditore. "There
will not be a divided Mitrovica; this is the message from Washington,"
PM Bajram Rexhepi said for Koha in the closing rally in Mitrovica, after
his return from the US.
The Epoka e Re report on the closing PDK rally in Mitrovica quotes the prime minister as saying: "We know how to integrate the town, and the PDK party will have full support from the internationals." Rexhepi also said that by PDK wining in Mitrovica, "happiness and smiles will return…[and] the town will integrate and develop financially".
Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK)
All dailies report on the closing AAK rally held in Prishtina. Koha Ditore
quotes Ramush Haradinaj as saying, "With AAK, we will mark universal
development." Zëri reports that in Prishtina, Ramush promised
better living standards in Kosovo; and in Deçan he said, "Privatization,
investments and increase in employment are the main p