02 December 2002, Monday Edition

CONTENTS

Why Europe reacts only when Balkans' problems become EU internal problems (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore carries a commentary by Brussels correspondent Augustin Palokaj, who writes:

When war escalated in the former Yugoslavia in the beginning of the 90s, European leaders started an academic debate on whether or not it would be good for Yugoslavia to be dissolved, but the US was far from being involved in the issue. No one made a single step to stop the war or even to help the peaceful breakdown of the federation that no one wanted anymore. Ignoring the conflict in the beginning and the silent support that Europe gave the Yugoslav Army in preserving Yugoslavia only helped increase the conflict and made it so difficult that Europe was no longer capable of solving it. Never mind that the conflict was horrifying and the consequences were so grave, Europe only thought about how to localize it and not allow it to expand. It was important not to allow the conflict to move beyond the borders of Croatia or Bosnia and Herzegovina, and what happened within those borders was not of huge concern to European officials.

The European approach started slowly changing with the escalation of the conflict; and with the exodus of refugees, the conflict in the former Yugoslavia became an internal European problem and not just a conflict outside its front yard. Hundreds of thousands of refugees who came to EU countries, especially to Germany, Austria, Belgium and Italy, brought a taste of the war to Europe and the problem was felt in the heart of Europe. Therefore, Europe started dealing with the conflict in the former Yugoslavia only when it knocked on its doors and began exporting refugees and instability to Europe.

Surely when we blame Europe for not intervening in time in the Balkans we should limit ourselves to official policies and not include various associations and individuals who gave their help from a humane motive.
Europe against reacts late

Now, ten years after the beginning of conflict, when there are no more threats of armed conflict of huge dimensions in the Balkans, the Balkans have once again become an internal problem of the EU. The new threat that comes to Europe from the Balkans has been identified as 'organized crime'. The fact that there is organized crime in the Balkans is no novelty. It was also known a long time ago that in the Balkans the state and organized crime are closely linked to each other. It was also known, and it was obvious, that smuggling and organized crime are eating away at the future of regional countries, are impoverishing the people and making a few individuals rich. The EU knew this and it kept silent. Now there are reactions because organized crime cannot be localized so that it only hits the Balkans. After other eastern countries have developed and are entering the EU and NATO, organized crime is knocking on EU's door. As Javier Solana wrote in an editorial for Koha Ditore and NATO Secretary General Robertson told this paper, 'The Balkans has turned into a free market of criminality and this must change'.

But it seems that this time, along with the main motive of increasing international pressure toward the Balkans countries to fight organized crime, promises for assistance in this respect are indicators of the concern of Europeans for the damage that organized crime is inflicting upon their own market.

Given the fact that according to EU assessments, the largest amount of smuggled cigarettes goes from the Balkans to Europe and given the fact that the EU budget loses 90 billion euros per year as a result of this phenomenon, it can be concluded that organized crime coming from the Balkans is inflicting more damage on the EU than an actual armed conflict. This is the reason they are reacting now. When we asked a EU official why they haven't reacted sooner against organized crime in the Balkans and why they have intentionally tolerated it in some cases, he responded that 'that is real politic'.

And as usually happens, when something is not stopped while it is a minor problem, it then becomes bigger and more difficult to fight. This is the reason why as long as Balkan countries is a source and transit [route] for cigarette smuggling, alcohol and prostitutes, the EU will think about staying as far as possible from these countries, even though it will publicly try to convince the residents of the region that 'a solution for this problem is integration and not isolation'.

Due to organized crime, the EU will isolate ever more the citizens of the Balkans, and will limit the possibilities for them to come to Europe, while for those who are members of criminal networks, it will never be a problem to get to Europe. As happens in most cases, ordinary citizens will pay the price.
Who is to blame in Kosovo?
Kosovo is mentioned in various reports of the Interpol and Europol as a center where smugglers come from, and also as a transit zone for smuggling various goods. Are only Kosovars to blame for this phenomenon and whose priority is it to fight organized crime in Kosovo? For three years now, Kosovo has been under full international administration, so there is no longer any room for the international community to blame Kosovars for organized crime and then to claim credit for the progress achieved in Kosovo. If the responsibility is split according to competencies in Kosovo, internationals are more to blame for the high level of organized crime in Kosovo. This doesn't mean that if Kosovars had power it would have been better, but UNMIK has proved that neither are international representatives immune to irresponsibility and corruption.

UNMIK members have undertaken several actions against organized crime, have achieved numerous successes and they truly deserve words of praise. But UNMIK Police officers have also allowed some criminals to escape from prison and no one knows where they are. The members of the international community in Kosovo shut their eyes in front of the pipes used for oil smuggling from Montenegro while Koha Ditore had produced pictures of those pipes. Only then did internationals react and say 'look we did this' and undertook measures to prevent it. Therefore, UNMIK authorities should be more self-critical, whereas the EU should change the words that it 'fully supports the excellent work that UNMIK is doing in Kosovo'. The results that the EU gives to organized crime in Kosovo prove that the work of the international administration is not so excellent.

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If Kosovo's final status is not determined, there could be an armed conflict in next two to three years (Kosova Sot/Epoka e Re)

Both dailies carry articles, which quote PM Rexhepi as saying to Albanian TV Klan that 'if internationals don't determine Kosovo's final status in next two or three years, then an armed conflict could blow up'. He added that inclusion of Kosovo in the Serbia and Montenegro Constitutional Charter is one more reason that in the future radical forces could explode into revolts that would be dangerous for the country. "We are a free state and we have fought for this day, but it is not right at all for our country to be included in the preamble of the Constitutional Charter. We don't want war, but war was made to rescue us from slavery," Rexhepi was quoted as saying in both papers.

Epoka e Re added that Rexhepi said he valued the chief administrator's work but did not want to comment on the work of President Rugova so far.

Epoka e Re reiterated the position Rexhepi had voiced in Brussels, that if the international community accepted the inclusion of Kosovo in the S and M Preamble, then the Kosovo Assembly would proclaim Kosovo's independence. Rexhepi's announcement has moved things forward but not any farther than Resolution 1244, says Epoka e Re.

Kandic: Fear of the police has disappeared in this region (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore carries an interview with Natasa Kandic, director of the Human Rights Fund in Belgrade. Kandic gave the interview after a roundtable held in Banja of Bujanovac, southern Serbia, which tackled the position of Albanians in Serbia, specifically in Presevo Valley, after the demilitarization and the violation of their human rights during the previous period.

Ms. Kandic, what was the importance of the seminar and what was debated?
This two-day seminar was dedicated to the violation of human rights in the past and the beginning of our activities, which we think is necessary, not to forget the past and that the past should remain in our collective memory, where we will give special attention to people who were victimized.

The meeting tackled the rights of Albanians during the conflict, during the time of the previous regime and during the armed conflicts after the fall of this regime. During the seminar there were also discussions on what has been changed in this respect and what hasn't. It was a concrete discussion of human rights attended by local representatives, republicans and non-governmental organizations and I personally believe that we have achieved something, although we heard remarks from the Serb side that we talked only about Albanians. And this clearly shows that they still haven't understood that during Milosevic's regime, there was no repression against Serbs but against other ethnic groups; and this is something that shouldn't be left in the past and that we need to talk about it in order to establish trust.

This seminar was held two weeks prior to 10 December, the international human rights day. How do you assess the activities in this field in the past?
It is a fact that things have now changed. Fear of the police has now disappeared in this region. What can be noticed in this region is that there are no more feelings such as fear of giving public speeches. The organization for human rights now cooperates with human rights NGOs and they make no distinction in nationalities; and it can be clearly seen that they cooperate and are committed to the same goals.

The Humanitarian Fund for Human Rights has done a lot to shed light upon the cases of murders, abductions and missing from Kosovo and Presevo Valley. Are the initiatives of the Fund for shedding light on these cases being supported by international organizations and state mechanisms?
We are an organization that has been working for 10 years and we have a professional status and our aim is human rights, which we have proved when it came to Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo. And as for the current regime in Serbia they have determined relations of respect, knowing that we have influence based on the data that we have and these data are a result of the research and they know that we have very important facts.

Meanwhile, there are no huge changes in this regime so…they don't love us because we are critical of them as we were toward the previous regime. We keep a certain distance because it is necessary for us but we don't fear the regime anymore. But, in fact, even during Milosevic's regime, there were no arrests of representatives of non-governmental organizations, but there was maltreatment; and that regime was oriented only towards waging war against other nationalities and destroying other nations. In the end the Serbs who supported this policy and ideology have paid the price.

After changes in the political and economic life of the country, what is the situation with human rights and are they respected in practice?
We have made an assessment that wasn't much welcomed by the Serb regime. The fact that police have maintained their old behaviors comes as a result of no changes in the police force.

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Salaries of internationals ten times higher than those of Kosovars! (Zëri)

In an article subheaded Kosovo, paradise for some and for some survival on the brink of existence, Zëri comments on the differences in the salaries of internationals and local officials working in Kosovo.

Zëri compares the annual incomes of SRSG Michael Steiner and President Ibrahim Rugova and Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi, claiming that in one year 'UNMIK chief Steiner will increase his bank account by US $106,342', whereas 'in one year spent in the posts of the leaders of Kosovo's institutions, President Ibrahim Rugova and PM Rexhepi receive US $15,600 and $15,600, respectively. Rugova and Rexhepi earn nearly seven times less than the Kosovo chief administrator.'

Zëri says that so far a lot has been said but very little was in fact known about the salaries of internationals in Kosovo. The salaries of internationals, which are paid from the UN budget, and the salaries of Kosovars, which come from the Kosovo Consolidated Budget, are like night and day. However, if asked about the comparisons, internationals are quick to say: 'Such comparisons shouldn't be made, because these two kinds of salaries come from different sources… UNMIK salaries have nothing to do with the budget of Kosovo.'

According to Zëri, if a local teacher tried to act like an international (in the street, in a store or a restaurant), he/she would be broke in three days. "However, the teacher-UNMIK staff member comparison is nothing compared to the difference between the salaries of the President and Prime Minister of Kosovo and an UNMIK staff member. Rugova and Rexhepi receive four times less than a spokesperson working for UNMIK. In one year, former spokeswoman Susan Manuel was paid US$67,698. 'As for my personal situation, I had a higher salary when I worked as a journalist in the US than after joining the UN mission in Cambodia in 1992,' said Manuel.

Quoting its sources, Zëri reports that an international judge gets a monthly salary of 15,000 euros, while a local Kosovar judge at Prishtina District Court gets 500-550 euros.

Zëri also points to the huge difference between the salaries of international and local police officers. A police officer of the Kosovo Police Service gets 214 euros per month, while an UNMIK police officer gets 3,000 euros per month.

'The chairmen of Kosovo municipal assemblies get 450-500 euros per month, while the annual salary of international municipal administrators is approximately US $90,000 per year.'

In addition, Zëri says that former UNMIK chief Hans Haekkerup doesn't enjoy a tremendous amount of respect among internationals in Kosovo, because after being allowed to bring his family with him to Kosovo, international staff members no longer received a daily payment of US$ 30 called 'hazard pay', which was in a way a compensation for working in difficult conditions, away from the family and in a potentially dangerous environment.

Zëri quoted a source within UNMIK as saying that the annual UN budget for Kosovo would undergo further cuts.

Zëri also reports that UNMIK local staff members receive from 400 to 1,000 euros per month. 'There are supposedly 9,700 Kosovars who pray that UNMIK will not leave Kosovo in a long time. Bearing in mind the number of Kosovars working for UNMIK, KFOR or other international organizations, then the most logical conclusion would be that internationals have largely contributed to avoiding social crisis in postwar Kosovo. For the time being, no one knows what will happen with this part of the Kosovar society if international organizations leave or decide to maximally reduce the number of their staff,' Zëri reports.

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Shala: Instructions on how to make it through the winter (Zëri)

Zëri carries a column by its publisher, Blerim Shala, who says that Steiner remains the last hope for Kosovars in stabilizing electricity situation. If this doesn't happen, besides for generators, gas and candles, a brochure with instructions on how to make it through the winter should be published. Shala writes:

It was easy for Steiner to deal with Mitrovica. Let him now prove himself with KEK. This is the opinion of a citizen in Prishtina, who is tired of the problems with electricity and it is the reaction of a broken heart. Surely, these two issues can neither be compared nor confused, even though they have not been removed from the top of the list of problems in postwar Kosovo. It seems that Steiner remains the last address for the hopes of Kosovars that the electricity situation will be stabilized. Before his time, two international administrators and many local managers haven't managed any achievements on this direction.

Notices made by KEK officials in the beginning of autumn were fairly good: there will be small or no reductions by the beginning of December.

Now we understand that we are having new problems, which were not foreseen or that are component parts of the lousy management. Thus, even if the power plants are repaired on schedule, there won't be enough coal to fire all the blocks that would be capable of producing electricity.

It seems that this will be another lucky winter for the sellers of generators, gas, candles and other things necessary for surviving in cold and darkness. It is also time to prepare a small brochure for wide distribution entitled Instructions on how to make it through the winter.

Mitrovica: Not every means justifies the end, Mr. Haselock (Koha Ditore)

Simon Haselock's rebuttal to 'On Nexhmedin Spahiu's opinion on Mitrovica' obliges me to give further clarifications of interest to readers concerned about Mitrovica's fate and the fate of Kosovo, in general.

First, Mr. Haselock doesn't use the term northern neighborhoods [streets] of Mitrovica but the term 'northern Mitrovica', the word which is used only by Serb extremists and which leaves us to understand his political position from the very beginning.

Second, Mr. Simon confirms what I have said about the chief administrator's by-law temporarily dismissing the formal competencies of Municipal Assembly in northern part of Mitrovica. This is certainly clear to everyone who saw it, but the manipulation of this event by RTK and other media caused it to be understood differently, until the very moment that this document was presented on Radiotelevision Mitrovica. It is Mr. Steiner's right to make policy and to decide, based on his opinion, what is important and correct, and in this context to decide whether it is more important for his mission for the Mitrovica Municipal Assembly (elected based on the elections organized by international community, which he represents in Kosovo) to have formal competencies in the northern quarters of Mitrovica or not to have even that.

My obligation as a citizen and director of an information media was to tell the entire truth. Was it right (and democratic) for a democratically elected municipal assembly to receive the information on its dismissal when it functioned only formally, only after an Administrative Directive? This also belongs to policymaker Steiner. But it belongs to me and other colleagues to inform public opinion and I would do this even if Mr. Steiner were my best friend or biggest political opponent. Why the other media didn't do this (except for Koha Ditore, KTV and some other media that have correspondents in Mitrovica) is another issue.

It is certainly immoral to manipulate Kosovo citizens by presenting them only one side of the coin. You might say, what is Simon Haselock's fault in RTK and other media in Kosovo being unprofessional? This is another issue. Maybe you have used the trust that these media have in you or the fact that you have helped them while damaging the others as temporary media ex-commissioner [sic].

Be that as it may, history has shown that political manipulation through the media doesn't bring any benefit to the society. I believe you know how successful Göbels was (Hitler's right hand) in manipulating the media, but you also have to know where all this lead German society.
You have to be aware that if it wasn't for the correct information from Radiotelevision Mitrovica and other media, unforeseen things that could risk people's lives and peace and security in the region could happen.

You, Mr. Haselock, confirm that you are helping TV Most in Zvecan with thousands of euros (not hundreds of thousands of euros, as I thought, based on the project presented by TV Most directors). I believe that you know that this station belongs to the network of SPS (Slobodan Milosevic's party) local stations. But this must also be a substantial way that you make a friend of an enemy media (by spending not hundreds of thousands but tens of thousands of euros). I support you in this, because the smart politician makes friends of his enemies. But I cannot support you when you create enemies from friends (only mindless politicians do this). Especially when by gaining a small new friend, you lose a big old friend. With this media manipulation you have achieved a temporary success because, on the one hand, you have satisfied Serb appetites for advancing the process of division on an ethnic basis (be it only the formal part of this process), while, on the other hand, you have also satisfied Albanians, because you didn't tell them the whole truth (or you told it to them in that manner that would be difficult for them to understand). But life goes on and your trick will be understood sooner or later; and you can calculate that by the time Albanians understand what you and Mr. Steiner did to them, you might have finished your mandate and the consequences of Albanians revolt would be carried by your successors. This is not honorable.

Third. As far as my anger is concerned, it appears that you have left me in the margin of events. This tells that even after two years you have not understood my nature. It is evident that you have attempted to leave me and the institution that I lead on the margins of events. This doesn't derive from the antipathy that you might have for me, but from the fact that the institution which I lead aims for the integration of Mitrovica, because it has a multiethnic program and cooperates with Serb media and politicians (yes, it cooperates, even though this might sound as self-accusation to many), while you prefer a formal division of Mitrovica. Otherwise, if you were engaged for integration and multiethnicity, you should consider Radiotelevision Mitrovica a natural ally. Perhaps it is not too much to remind you that, based on IREX, the media that I lead in Mitrovica has more audience than all the rest of the media put together.

But the fact that you are engaged in helping TV Most, even financially, tells what kind of policy you are engaged in (that of division on ethnic bases and not interethnic integration). Otherwise, how could we understand the fact that when I, in all generosity, offered Mr. Steiner [the opportunity] for Serb and Albanian journalists to be present with me at the debate, you refused? The truth is that Mr. Steiner had told me before the program that he personally liked the idea, but that you had advised him not to complicate things.

Those who are really marginalized here are political leaders of Mitrovica (and some of them are so politically illiterate that they still didn't understand Mr. Steiner's Administrative Directive) and not Mitrovica television (because Steiner's Administrative Directive didn't reduce the number of the watchers or listeners in northern or southern part). On the contrary, you have placed before Mitrovica RTV a challenge to prove itself.

Fourth. You say that I was angry because I was put in the margins of the event (this is, in fact, only our prejudice) but you don't deny that I was telling the truth. The truth is that when, before this event, Mr. Steiner walked in the streets of Mitrovica, he used to have his usual guards and never the police which are usually used against violent demonstrations. You have engaged them precisely because you were aware of the trick [cheating] that you have done and prejudged citizens' reaction. In fact, they were gathered to salute Mr. Steiner because they had no idea of what was being served up to them as the "Unification of Mitrovica".

Fifth. Mitrovica is now under a single UNMIK administrator, and it is probably that many issues will depend on his will and abilities. There is little faith that the UNMIK administration established in the northern part of Mitrovica won't develop into a municipality on its own. The child that came out of the womb cannot be put back again. It can be killed, but killing is crime. In the question directed to Mr. John Rogers in the debate organized by Mitrovica RTV and KTV on whether he could prove that during his mandate as Mitrovica municipal administrator, the administration in northern part of Mitrovica would not be transformed into a municipality, he didn't exclude this possibility.

Every political step has its own price, of course. Time will tell how expensive a price Kosovo has paid for this step taken by Steiner and that this was not the most right step. I am aware that something has to be given in order to gain something else, but if Mr. Steiner had to surrender to Mr. Covic's political arguments, then it would be more advisable for Mr. Steiner to serve Mitrovica Municipal Assembly and to create a new joint administration than to formalize the division of Mitrovica. The advisors at the Municipal Assembly could also do this favor for you by resigning collectively, but the thing is that many of them still don't know what happened since they are victims of media manipulation.

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ICTY investigating crimes against non-Albanians, says Florence Hartmann (Tanjug)

ICTY Prosecution's spokesperson Florence Hartmann confirmed to Tanjug that the Prosecution was investigating crimes committed against non-Albanian population in Kosovo and added that the FRY's official structures so far have not helped the investigation.

"In files prepared for 2002, we also investigate Albanians suspected of committing crimes against members of other nations in Kosovo," said Hartmann. She revealed no names of suspects, as the investigations are still ongoing, but précised that the investigations of crimes against non-Albanians have been conducted for almost two years.

Hartmann told Tanjug that, regarding these investigations, nothing concrete had been received from Belgrade authorities, and explained that information has been gathered from Kosovo Serbs by the ICTY's investigators. She said that the Tribunal's prosecution investigators have no access to the Yugoslav Army Archives, which could help a lot in shedding light on the crimes.

"When General Krga received the Chief Prosecutor in November, we requested full cooperation, as it is in everyone's interest to help justice," she said and assessed that the ICTY prosecution has not established any cooperation with the Yugoslav Army. "The Yugoslav Army is not cooperating with the prosecution, although they have promised to prepare something for us," said Hartmann.

First meeting on decentralization scheduled for tonight in Pristina (RTS)

The first meeting on decentralization of authority in Kosovo will be held tonight in the UNMIK chief's office in Pristina. Representatives of the three major Kosovo Albanian parties and KP representatives have been invited to the meeting, said the inter-ministerial coordinator on returns in the Government of Kosovo, Milorad Todorovic.

He said that Serbs would bring out their position on decentralization, as "a precondition for the survival of and return to Kosovo and Metohija, [and] as well as a way of protection from the majoritarianism."

This meeting was initially scheduled for November 28, but was postponed, as Albanians were celebrating 'Flag Day', the national holiday of Albania.

Tonight's meeting will be the first official talks between the UNMIK chief and representatives of the four strongest caucuses in the Kosovo Assembly on the issue of decentralization.

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Yugoslav Airlines to establish regular flights to Tirana (Fonet)

Yugoslav Airlines (JAT) announced on Monday that its ATR-72 planes would regularly - three times a week - fly to Tirana as of December 15. Flights will be scheduled for Mondays, Thursdays and Sundays at 8 p.m. and return flights are scheduled for the following day at 5.55 p.m.