17 December 2002, Tuesday Edition

CONTENTS

Despite reservations, UN Ambassadors leave Kosovo optimistic (All dailies)

All dailies reported that a more positive tone could be heard yesterday from the leader of the UN SC delegation that visited Kosovo over the weekend. UNMIK chief administrator Michael Steiner 'felt immense support' from the 15 ambassadors who were inspecting the situation in Kosovo during their three-day visit.

However, on the issue of Kosovo status, there was no news at all. Diplomats come, they inspect the situation as much as they can; and afterwards they leave and Kosovo remains the same as before the visit. If Ambassador Ole Peter Kolby, the leader of the delegation, had not been asked a question, he would have returned to New York without conveying the customary message from the internationals that 'for the time being there will be no changes in UN Security Resolution 1244'.

'We believe that UN SC delegation visit was very beneficial. Our last visit was a year and half ago and we thought it was time to get new information,' said Kolby, and he added, 'Compared with what we saw 18 months ago, there has been essential progress.'

'With all of the work that it has on its agenda, SC found the time to come to Kosovo and see first hand and this expresses the determination and commitment that the UN has for developments here,' said Michael Steiner.

Kolby stressed that the formation of local institutions was 'a major step forward'. 'Likewise, the security situation has improved immensely, and now the KPS is taking over more responsibilities for maintaining law and order. The process of return has started and the process of privatization is on track,' he said.

'The first steps have been taken but a lot more has to be done because Kosovo must become a democratic and multiethnic society,' Kolby told journalists at a press conference held at UNMIK HQ in Prishtina Monday.

He said the UN SC delegation would inform the authorities in Belgrade about what they saw here and would convey the message that 'we will not allow any parallel structures in Kosovo'.
Shala: Criteria, standards, statehood
Zëri carries an editorial by Blerim Shala who comments on the visit by UN Security Council Delegation to Kosovo. Shala wrote:

Based on statements from the head of the UN Security Council delegation, Ole Peter Kolby, the Norwegian Ambassador left Kosovo satisfied with the results achieved from the SC's visit. The delegation re-confirmed Kosovo's priorities for the future. As was expected, Kolby said that UN Security Resolution 1244 cannot be changed and that final status would be approved by the UN SC.

We all know that UN SC will determine the final status but because of the relationship of forces between the main countries, an eternity could pass by before an agreement on solving Kosovo's status. For the time being, we cannot imagine who could carry the process to its final stage.

In fall of 1991, when the West was facing the breaking up of multiethnic, former communist states such as the SFRY, the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia, the USA and EU compiled a package of clear criteria that had to be respected by the eastern countries, if their aim was to be recognized international recognition. It is known that recognition of new countries, especially in the case of SFRY, was the result of inner EU developments; however, these criteria are valid even today.

We all should read those criteria carefully and see where we are. We will then understand that there is a great resemblance to the standards oft mentioned in the past few days.

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Thaçi: Symbols and status (confusion - clarity) (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore carries a commentary by Hashim Thaçi, leader of the Kosovo Democratic Party (PDK). Thaçi writes about Kosovo's ethnic and cultural identity and its symbols. He says during the social development of a people, the process of forming nations and states has had historic and political specifics in many countries and nations, which were often followed by 'conquest or freedom fighting wars' between nations, states or religions.
State-nation and cultural nation
Most European countries in the past went through the more or less painful process in forming of the nation-state or state-nation (only in England and France have they succeeded in joining the state and culture into one). However Europeans succeeded in solving these problems much earlier than in other parts of the world, including the Balkans where there are still ethnic and territorial quarrels and contexts.

The political concept for this century is: Not every country should include one nation [ethnicity], while the philosophy of the nineteenth century presents the opposite.

Nations that succeeded in gathering within their state borders the majority of the entity they belonged to succeeded in forming a national state and imposing the concept of national politics, while nations that were scattered in many countries, chose the other path: they equated their national identity with their ethnic and cultural background but not with a political identity and statehood.

In the first formation, the political nation, the contribution was given by the French, Germans, Americans, etc, while in the second group the position was taken by Germans and Italians. But if national interest arose, the Albanians and others were there. If Albanians outside the borders of Albania agreed to fulfill the concept of a political nation, then the doors to assimilation would have opened in the state in which they were forcefully kept.

The Albanian nation is going through this complex process.

National identity has always strengthened the political identity among Albanians (in Albania). This process is continuing to develop in Kosovo, Macedonia, Presevo valley and Montenegro. Albanian politics aims to change the political identities in the countries where Albanians are living. According to the Ohrid Agreement, Macedonia is no longer an exclusive state of the Macedonians, but it is now a political state of Albanian and other entities.

Throughout history, the lack of political identity has cost Albanians dearly. They were constantly fighting but weren't winning; the winners were determined by negotiations (conferences). Unjust reflections came from the 'powerful' of the time in their relations with Albanians, but neither did the Albanians show clear political concepts.

With respect to scientific investigation, political analysis and factual reality, we can deduce that a large part of the Albanians are not a nation state but a cultural one.
What phase are we in today
Albania: National and political identify has been formed and consolidated; however, with all the 90 years of state forming experience, there is a lack of modern state identity.

Kosovo: If we start from the tragic consequences that the Albanians in Kosovo went through, the national identity is much more defined than in other countries where Albanians live. A political identity is being formed, in conjunction with the forming of a state identity, which is in an embryonic process.

Macedonia: National identity was preserved, but only as an ethnic and cultural category. But the doors have been opened for broadening of political semantics, if we take into consideration the orientation for forming a multi-state identity in Macedonia.

Presevo: They continued preserving the national identity, but only as an ethnic-cultural category. There are no cohesive and coherent political movements. Albanians are part of Serbia's state identity

Montenegro: National identity is at the lowest level than in the other countries where Albanians live (discrimination by previous government was more forceful), while the political identity was dissolved. Albanians are a comprising part of the Montenegro state identity.

Overall, Albanians are in the complex process (the psychology of the civil life in new circumstances) of transition from the traditional non-political dimension to the category of being westerners, even though there are still some powerful reflections of the oriental way of thinking, even if at first sight they reflect a western way of thinking.

For the moment we are in a very fragile reality for the future of the Albanian nation, but also for the whole region. As for every nation or country, for Albanians also a favorable situation has been formed, which goes along with everyday obstacles.

Alongside of justice, USA and EU countries have lined up in principle to solve the problems of the region in a quiet way, with reasonable communication, transparency, and with the concrete presence during these important historic developments.
Debate, parliament and referendum
In the time of correct initiatives by internationals for Kosovo, which are being welcomed by locals, there are some not-so-constructive projects being promoted on the important paths that Kosovars should take toward international integration.

Locals (Kosovars) should reflect with both eyes opened and with resolution on this path, so as not to focus only on empty symbolic-patriotic words (independence, independence, independence) something that we have been hearing for a long time, remaining in a state of self-satisfaction and isolation. Lately a debate has become more intensified on the issue of Kosovar identity. The motive for initiating this issue is open to discussion and it is confusing. An attack started by those obsessed by symbols, details, some diplomats, independent intellectuals, opened up a topic that has a problematic start.

Explanation: This debate is sponsored and not motivated by a healthy intellectual civil logic, thus it is doomed to fail before it begins.

To talk about Kosovar identity, as an ethnic-cultural category, not only is nonsense but also is nonproductive. Therefore this debate should be closed down with a righteous formula, which can be contested in the political, scientific and judicial aspect: KOSOVO HAS A JUDICIAL AND POLITICAL IDENTITY BUT NOT A ETHNIC AND CULTURAL IDENTITY.

Kosovo should pass its path toward international integration as an independent judicial-political identity, with its all of its responsibilities as a judicial-state, and in no way could Kosovo's future be controlled by Belgrade or some other creature that would impede democratic processes in the region.

Declaration of Kosovo citizens on the issue of independence isn't only a determination at the leadership level but it should be done by the whole nation. If the leadership deviates from this point of view, it loses the right to represent them as such, and it loses the right to represent the people's will. With the aim of fulfilling the project for Kosovo's independence as soon as possible, concrete steps have to be taken in fulfilling political and geo-strategic conditions for cooperating with internationals. The policy of idée fixe on icons and patriotic symbols more closely resembles the type of filing or shortcutting that are in a desktop a computer, that it does substance and content.

Kosovo is forming its own identity by strengthening its belief in the democratic world for its rightful political determinations and readiness for a partnership in the process of integrating in Euro-Atlantic processes.

Kosovo citizens in a democratic state should have their own state symbols, as is the case with every other country. Extensive work has been done in this field. As institutions of utmost importance, Kosovo Protection Corps, Kosovo Police Service etc, already have their symbols recognized by everyone in Kosovo, but also by the western world.

We should not lose energy on the issue of symbols, with all of its importance, nor should we create an undesirable political and social crisis.

Hastiness of the egoistic type expressed with feudal gestures of leadership, 'who was the one that started it first', represents the miserable politics of the individuals that are afflicted with these complexes.

The state creates symbols, the symbols don't create a state
The proposal to change the national flag on Flag Day (28 November) from the Symbol of Symbols in Kosovo is more than mockery; it is a dangerous precedent, according to which any leader when he comes to power could change things as he pleases, based on his own projects and designs. Tomorrow someone might not like the eagle or maybe the color.

Kosovo citizens, given all the entities that live in Kosovo, do not have a crisis of symbols of their own national identity. Albanians as the majority in Kosovo territory have saved, cultivated and enriched their national identity and their symbols, which they have used in joy and sadness.

Far from any nostalgia, but with respect: the burial ceremonies of martyrs were always conducted in the presence of the national flag. Neither did the battles or big demonstrations for freedom ever start without the singing of the national anthem. Soldiers often held the flag close to their bosom and fell in the trenches; the martyr's face would be cowered with the national flag and he would be buried with highest military honors.

Starting from reason and logic, independent of the complexities of individuals, the people of Kosovo don't need to change or pervert the national symbol, to be replaced with the 'private and family' decorations of a man, no matter what his responsibilities are for the moment. The communists, both in Tiranë and Prishtina, tried with their ideology to change it. We cannot allow such mockery from today's democratic anarchists in Prishtina or elsewhere.

Kosovo state symbols are an issue over which a serious, transparent and institutional debate should start. Most of the things proposed are a necessity: public proposals, discussions in the assembly, academic clubs, discussions for integration in civil society, of public personalities that would state their opinion on this issue. Nowhere in the world were state symbols determined by political leaders, commanders, scientists, editors-in-chief, Miss or Mister, but it will be determined by a PROJECT IDEA launched and accepted by the majority of citizens and legitimized by a decision making process, a REFERENDUM.

Kosovo will be a state of all citizens that live here. Kosovo will build a state on the concept of citizenship and not ethnicity. There will be no Kosovar language, because there is no such language. However, Kosovo's political identity is being formed, an identity that would derive from the national identity (accepted by Albanians and all minorities that live in Kosovo). The example of Switzerland where there is no Swiss language, but there are Swiss citizens; or of Austria, where there is no Austrian language, but there are Austrian citizens.

Surely in Kosovo there will be two or three official languages, like Switzerland: German, Italian, French and the Roman language; or Austria: German, Hungarian, Croatian and Italian.

Kosovo will have a double identity: national and state.

Today the main priorities of Kosovo institutions and citizens should be: independence and the realistic democratization of Kosovo, the forming of positive surroundings for international recognition and others things come later…

The state creates symbols; the symbols do not create a state.

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Krasniqi: The two decision-making institutions of Kosovo: Steiner and Covic

Epoka e Re carries a commentary by Public Services Minister Jakup Krasniqi, who claims that SRSG Michael Steiner and Serbian Deputy PM Nebojsa Covic are the two decision-making institutions of Kosovo. Krasniqi writes:

In all democratic countries, the will of the people is the chief sovereign. Can this also be said for Kosovo?

In Kosovo, in the last three years, there have been three elections: free, secret and democratic. The elections were organized by the OSCE and monitored by thousands of international monitors. Locals were mainly the ones who had remarks about the elections, and some had the right to complain because there were supports and manipulations by those who were supposed to be neutral. There were some interventions from the outside; in fact, even after the latest elections, there was influence especially to form coalitions?! Maybe this should be registered as a lecture on democracy?! We too are learning from democratic countries that 'elections are always a possible object of mistakes and cheating'.

The decision-making centers in Europe and the US gave positive assessments on all elections held in Kosovo. The elections were really peaceful and had a good turnout. The citizens of Kosovo went to the polling stations believing that through their will they would elect municipal assemblies, the Assembly, the President, the Government; therefore, they believed that they would 'elect the government on the basis of its culture and history', (we demonstrated culture, but were not historically cautious), as in every democratic country. Always believing that we were free from the chauvinist and nationalistic Serb authorities under which we suffered for 90 years.

In every democratic country, 'the entire authority comes from the people for the people'. All democratic countries respect the Constitution - the basic document of every country. The Constitutional Framework is not respected in Kosovo. First of all, the Constitutional Framework is not respected by those who interpret it. Only Steiner's 'legal' office is allowed to interpret the Constitutional Framework; and this office has several times misinterpreted the basic document of Kosovo.

Wrong interpretations were made at the very first session of the Kosovo Assembly, the annulment of the Resolution for Kosovo's borders, the annulment of Agreement of Understanding that some minister reaches with Albania, the appointment of Robert Dole as an Honorary Ambassador and the establishment of a ghost agency that is trusted to govern the entire wealth of Kosovo. What does this agency derive from? It derives from Chapter 11, article 11.2 which says '…other independent bodies and offices…'. This sentence has created a government on top of another government. Point 5.3 of the Constitutional Framework, which talks about the leaders of Kosovo institutions, says: 'To decide on the appointment of judges and prosecutors'. What happens, in fact? Without a decision from the Kosovo Assembly, the SRSG signed the 'decision' for the appointment of judges. Why did it come to this hasty step by the chief administrator? Why isn't Steiner just as quick in signing laws that are approved by the Assembly or other laws that he himself delays?! If he acted this way, he would facilitate the sleeping work of the Kosovo Assembly led by academic Nexhat Daci.

Why must fulfill Mr. Steiner's standards
After all that's said and done, one can surely ask: Who must fulfill Mr. Steiner's standards: the SRSG or the Kosovo Government? I am absolutely sure that by 'imposing' selections that favor the party that blackmails Kosovo day and night, by electing unknown, politically incriminated, incapable persons, not only will we not fulfill the standards for a depoliticized judiciary, but we will fail to preserve the existing standards.

Such politicized acts have brought the Kosovo justice system to the stage of bankruptcy, besides that it has turned it into a scarecrow for the liberation war.

The Kosovo Government and institutions should be given room to exercise their responsibilities or completely withdraw and leave all competencies and responsibilities to Mr. Steiner, so that they can become obedient employees.

Through an arbitrary decision, Mr. Steiner is amnestying Kosovo institutions from responsibility for fulfilling his standards. On the other hand, Kosovo institutions are turning into even more miserable institutions than their predecessors, which waited for everything from Belgrade. Kosovo doesn't need miserable institutions. The difference is that now the incapable and servile ones have won legitimacy by the 'free' vote of the citizens of Kosovo. What country in the world can build democracy with unlearned, uncommitted and servile persons? Let us recall the path of French democracy.

Seeing all the things that have happened, one will ask: which institutions does the Kosovo chief administrator consult? Based on what has happened so far, Mr. Steiner has briefed the leaders of institutions and the main political parties in Kosovo on his decisions. Whereas, when it came to the decision-making process, Steiner consulted with Covic and Rada Trajkovic, always in Belgrade and in some warm and friendly environment. It seems that Coalition Povratak has received instructions from Belgrade that they are more powerful outside the Assembly than in it. At this stage, they are working outside the institutions, while the leaders of institutions wait for the 'formal recognition of independence' or threaten to declare independence?!

For the time being, Kosovo has two decision-making institutions, chief administrator Steiner and Covic. Whatever Covic offers, 'standards or decentralization', Steiner signs it with the approval of Rada. Serb representatives boycott every law that is approved by the Kosovo Assembly and Steiner doesn't sign them. The work of Kosovo institutions has been blocked. Thus, Kosovo Serbs are becoming the most privileged citizens in the world, 'citizens with additional rights and without obligations toward the state'.

From the literature of countries with a democratic tradition we learn that: 'regardless of how well a government is constituted, it is not considered democratic if its leading officials were not elected by the citizens in free and honest elections'. Which authority in Kosovo derives from free elections?! Who is more powerful in Kosovo, those who are elected by 'positive discrimination' or those who derive from the vote of citizens discriminated against?

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Problematic frustrations of Kosovo Serb leaders (Zëri)

Under the subheader, Serbs and Kosovo institutions, Zëri carries an editorial commentary on the Serb boycott of the Kosovo Assembly, and asks what the Serbs plan to achieve with this boycott. The text of the commentary reads, as follows:

Serb representatives of the Coalition Povratak are still boycotting the Kosovo Assembly.

In their public appearances, the leaders of this coalition, Rada Trajkovic and Oliver Ivanovic, have announced the possibility of abandoning Kosovo institutions, including the Government. Furthermore, they have emphasized that the final decision about (non) participation rests in the hands of Vojislav Kostunica, the president of the 'Federal Republic of Yugoslavia', a country that no longer exists. In the meantime, Kostunica has suffered another defeat in the Serbian presidential elections. So with his current position and an unclear political future, it will be difficult for him to carry the burden of justifying the withdrawal of Serbs from Kosovo institutions. In that case, a harsh reaction could come from the West and it would be a surprise if official Belgrade backed such radical acts by the Serbs. On the other hand, it would also be a surprise if Kostunica tells Serbs to return to the Kosovo Assembly. Official Belgrade will probably leave Kosovo it to Serb politicians to decide on their further steps.

Reliable international sources have told Zëri that Povratak leaders are frustrated with recent developments in Kosovo, especially in northern Mitrovica. They believe that Steiner has a clear plan to unite Mitrovica and to avoid the danger of the division of Kosovo. On the other hand, Serb leaders exactly don't know the position of official Belgrade, that is, if Serb officials still favor the division of Kosovo, as they have done with Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia, or if they can drop this issue because of Serbian interests. It seems that this insecurity has forced Serb leaders to decide to boycott the Kosovo Assembly. In this way, Kosovo Serb leaders want to see what the reaction of UNMIK chief Michael Steiner and Belgrade officials will be. Steiner has probably limited his responses by establishing a monitoring mission at the Kosovo Assembly. Zëri was told that during talks with Steiner, Trajkovic, Ivanovic and other Serb politicians expressed dissatisfaction with the minority position at the Kosovo Assembly and asked to be allowed to undertake assembly initiatives which require the support of at least 25 assembly members. It is known that Povratak has 22 Assembly members and so far it hasn't managed to win the support of other minority representatives.

The request of Serb deputies to overcome the minority position implies winning the right of veto, which isn't allowed by the Constitutional Framework. Furthermore, UNMIK officials have no doubts about contesting this way of thinking, which would prevent functioning competencies in Kosovo.

Kosovo Serb politicians have emphasized their doubts about Steiner's policy several times. According to Serb politicians, Steiner remains enigmatic when it comes to his goals as the international administrator of Kosovo.

Nevertheless, with all these facts in, the decision of Serb representatives to boycott the Kosovo Assembly happens to be unsustainable.

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Bajrami: The witness - a dying breed in Kosovo (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore ran an editorial by Agron Bajrami on the lack of witness protection in Kosovo. 'The few witnesses who show the courage to testify are endangered both by crime and institutional indifference,' writes Bajrami.

After the war, there were very often complaints in our paper and in the public in general about the lack of security. We complained that there was no end to murders, robbery, illegal constructions, usurpations, theft, corruption…and some of the most insane acts.

And constantly the message of internationals in charge of security issues was that there wasn't a sufficient number of witnesses that could help start investigations against people who were believed to be behind such acts. The constant message that came from KFOR and the international police was: help us so that we can help you.

But once such calls were heard and in the hope that problems would disappear by themselves, the voices of those who complained disappeared as a result of fear of the consequences of an act that has often been called 'treason' and 'espionage'.

And fear is a very weak counterargument to internationals that are quick to send another message: This is your country, so do as you like.

However, the calls of internationals, which to a large extent were an invitation to testify against fellow countrymen who committed crimes that hurt post-war society in Kosovo, was also welcomed with the 'support' of local authorities and our police.

Everyone said that we should be braver, that freedom should be protected, that crime should be defeated and that this could be achieved only with the support of the citizens.

This and the passage of time made some Kosovars believe that problems wouldn't be resolved by themselves and that calls to confront crime were logical, even though in most cases dangerous.

Some began to speak.

Victims and witnesses started talking. In fact, thanks to courageous testimonies, this paper helped shed light on scandals and frauds.

With this and the hesitation to appear in court eliminated a ray of hope appeared that Kosovo was realizing the importance of an active participation in fighting evil.

But these days, Kosovars rightfully ask: What did this bring us?

Answer: A Kosovar testifies in court, tells the truth and ends up being killed.

Such was the case of Vullnet Luboteni in Prizren. Or, the person who is luckier ends up only being wounded. Such as Masar Kukësi.

Was this the promised 'help' for testifying against crime? Four days after he was wounded, no one, be it from local or international institutions, visited the witness Masar Kukësi in hospital in Prizren.

Crime is winning the battle, whereas administrators, presidents and chief executives are looking on from the sidelines, worried how this will look on TV. For them, image is important, witnesses are not.

With their declarative and decorative policy, the institutions - local, central and international - are placing Kosovo in a zone of fear.

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Albanians are entering a new war adventure (Koha Ditore)

Koha Ditore claims that a paramilitary formation calling itself the National Albanian Army (AKSH) is close to starting a new conflict in Macedonia. The paper also claims that the largest deployment of combatants is in the villages of the Likova region, on the outskirts of Skopje. It is believed that AKSH members have already appeared publicly in the southern part of the Sharr Mountains.

AKSH has gathered former soldiers that fought last year alongside the National Liberation Army (NLA) against Macedonian forces. They are all dissatisfied with the epilogue to last year's war, which was lead by Ali Ahmeti, formerly NLA political leader, who is now president of the BDI party and member of Macedonian government.

'When I went to war last year, I didn't do it so someone could come to power and become brothers with the Slavs. When we were fighting, our senior leaders were saying that we were fighting Macedonian Slavs and now Ali Ahmeti is asking why his son cannot socialize with Jovan from Shtip,' says a former NLA soldier, who doesn't hide the fact that he is now a member of AKSH.

Among AKSH members operating in Macedonia are many Kosovars who have sought refuge in villages populated by Albanians. One Kosovar, who last year was NLA commander and led the war in Mateç, is now in Skopje. He has gathered around himself former soldiers who are dissatisfied with the way NLA soldiers were left aside by Ali Ahmeti's BDI. 'I am here to see what is happening to Albanians in Macedonia. We are waiting to see what Ali Ahmeti's party is going to do,' the former NLA commander told Koha Ditore.

Koha Ditore also reports that many people in Kosovo have joined the AKSH. Monday an international prosecutor in Gjilan District Court charged two Albanians from the Viti/Vitina municipality of suspicious involvement in the National Albanian Army. 'This was a serious threat to public order in both Kosovo and Macedonia,' said an UNMIK spokesman regarding the case.

The AKSH is supported by the Front for Albanian National Unification (FBKSH), an Albanian nationalist organization active in the west that includes the unification of Albanian lands in its platform. The head of FBKSH, Gafur Adili a former friend of Ali Ahmeti, has gathered nationalists around him from Albania, Kosovo and Presevo Valley. Adili has been touring several European countries seeking financial support for the AKSH.

A communiqué released by AKSH says, 'Now and in the future we will intensify our fight; and very soon we will declare a full uprising to free and unite all Albanian lands in a unified and ethnic Albania.'

Kolby: Belgrade obliged to cooperate on implementing UNSCR 1244 (BETA)

The UNSC delegation conveyed today a message to the Belgrade authorities that they were obliged to cooperate on the implementation of UNSCR 1244 and to fully cooperate with the ICTY. The head of the delegation, Norwegian Ambassador Ole Peter Kolby, stated the Belgrade authorities 'understood the situation and stressed they were ready for dialogue.' At a press conference, Kolby stated the resolution of all open issues in Kosovo must be sought through dialogue. He said the issue of Kosovo's status was 'an issue for the future' and that none of the sides would have the right to veto in this nor would it be excluded from the discussion on this. The SC delegation called on Serbs in Kosovo to fully include themselves in the interim self-rule institutions in Kosovo, and called on Belgrade to encourage them towards becoming 'a constructive partner in the Kosovo Assembly.' The delegation is ending its several-day visit to FRY in the course of which it acquainted itself during talks with officials in Pristina and Belgrade with the situation in Kosovo and the impact of the three-year UN mission. Kolby announced that the 15 ambassadors would have talks among themselves and submit a report to the SC but did not specify the content of this report.

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Final phase of trial to Dukajini group (FONET)

In the trial proceedings against the so-called 'Dukajini group' of former KLA members, the defense of the indicted ones has assessed in a final statement there is not enough evidence confirming their clients are guilty, Pristina Radio21 reports. The final decision of the Court Council, comprised of three international representatives, is expected in the course of this week.

Dobricanin: 69 victims exhumed in November (FONET)

The mortal remains of 69 people, who died in Kosovo but were registered as missing, were exhumed at the Muslim cemetery in Djakovica and the Orthodox cemetery in Prizren in November, stated the head of the CCK Bureau for Exhumation and Identification, pathologist Slavisa Dobricanin. He announced that these mortal remains would be identified and handed over to their relatives in the next two months. The cause of death has been established for all 69 people, said Dobricanin. 'According to an agreement with UNMIK Police, all murdered victims are to be exhumed by the end of next year, but some of them will surely remain unidentified,' he said.

Reactivation of all mining constructions in Kosovo (FONET)

The international manager of the Trepca complex Paul Mills has said efforts are being invested towards reactivating and commencing the work of all mining constructions in Kosovo, Pristina Radio 21 reports. Assessing those investments could be expected only after they are reactivated, Mills said only 'active mines can convince foreign investors to come and invest in Kosovo.'

Member of Kosovo Special Police Unit commits suicide (FONET)

A Polish member of the special police engaged in Kosovo has committed suicide in his room at the police base in the southern part of Mitrovica, Pristina Radio 21 reports. International Police spokesman Tracy Baker announced that the victim shot himself in the head. The reasons behind the suicide are still unknown.

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