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19 December 2002 CONTENTS
Steiner interview: Not everything
is going down in Kosovo (Koha Ditore/ Zëri) 'Compared to 12 months ago, things have changed. The climate is better, the political climate is better, even the papers are different, not all of them, but the majority. If they are different, then the public debate is different. There is progress. Kosovars are a dynamic society, they are very inventive,' said Michael Steiner in an interview given to the Kosovar papers. Steiner bases his optimism on the optimistic face of the Kosovars. 'If
you look at the faces, you can see that this is an optimistic society.
Not everything is dim. Now it is fashionable to talk about downhills.
Not everything here is going downhill. It is the identity of the Kosovars
that is rising, which is important and very interesting, that deals with
their past. Where can you find such a small place as Kosovo that has the
attention of the world and has so many ties with the world because of
the fact that there is international presence? This is unique. I cannot
find this anywhere in the world, especially not in Europe. This is a good
opportunity to have faster progress than in other countries,' he said.
He reminded journalists that the Kosovo Trust Agency had been formed which will be in charge of privatization. 'We have had three and half years of discussion with our legal office in New York as how to deal with this issue, with all the problems regarding the status; now we have the regulation on privatization and the KTA,' he said. Another success is the crime rate going down and return of displaced persons. 'We have broken the trend. This is the first year we have more minority members returning and living in Kosovo, regardless of all the difficulties,' said Steiner. One of the latest successes is the holding of local elections on 26 October,
which Steiner evaluated as 'magnificent', and also the locating of the
UNMIK administration in northern Mitrovica. Among the achievements, Steiner
mentioned the re-starting of B-2 at KEK. 'We said in June that by December
we would start. It is a fresh start; everyone is nervous about it, including
me,' he says and adds that he had just talked to KEK manager Joseph Rieder
to get information on electricity production. 'If we look at the situation
from where we started this year and where we are now, regardless of the
bad weather and cases and incidents that are happening, as the one Friday
night with the car
with all these steps, it is not so bad,' Steiner
ends his evaluation. There are some natural differences but I am satisfied with the government
Time has come for your leaders to talk to Belgrade 'For a certain period of time, there was reason to say that UNMIK should deal with this; however you cannot have it both ways, on the one hand, to say that I am grown up and want more power and, on the other hand, to say, no, I don't want to talk to Belgrade. This is contradictory. If you say that you are a grown up, then you cannot close your eyes. This dialogue is important,' said Steiner, and he gave as an example the relations between Bonn and Eastern Germany. 'Every serious issues was talked over with Moscow and Eastern Berlin, because we had to address practical issues,' he said. According to Steiner, talks with Belgrade will show the level of maturity among Kosovar leaders. 'If you have to deal with issues that are in the direct interest of the people, then you have to take those issues and discuss them; you cannot hide. I believe that time has come that institutions and leaders talk with everyone, including Belgrade, on the practical issues of the moment. You asked me about final status. I said it earlier that the way to reach final status is that we need to have direct dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade on the issue of status. The most important thing is that neither side has a right of veto, to do things unilaterally. Belgrade doesn't have a veto in these talks. I am not saying that these talks have to bring a solution with a consensus; however the talks are necessary,' he said. The UNMIK chief administrator stressed that without these talks things would be even more difficult, and, according to him, the leaders are obliged to find the easiest solutions. Surroi: Seeking the future in
1989 (Koha Ditore) The UNMIK mission was from the beginning dedicated to the emergency phase, creating electrical energy from equipment ruined by the nonprofessional administrators brought in by Milosevic. But in doing this they set out their own aim: to achieve the 80's. And, as we have seen, we haven't achieved this yet, but perhaps with more money this could happen. Along with a power plant for a self-governing society, our society is moving forward in forming institutions that belong to the Obiliq era of the 80's. An Assembly and Government that have less authority to make decisions than the Political Centre [UNMIK]. In the 80's and a decade earlier, the Centre, the Party, made the decisions. Now, no matter what this assembly or the government thinks (if they think at all), you are the Centre. Therefore, it is not important what a minister says or even the prime minister, it is important what Energy Committee says, specifically, what you say. 5. Things are even worse than they look in today's darkness. With all the miracles that Michael's super manager can work, current efforts are useless because the demand cannot be met. Looked at from a simple, logical point of view, Kosovo A was 20 years old when Kosovo B was inaugurated. Meanwhile, a total revolution had taken place, not only in Kosovo, not only the death of communism and greater unification of Europe, but the death of an industrial society, as we have known it. On your desk, there are reports brought to you everyday by international bureaucrats who are amazed that Kosovo can spend 100 MW/h more of electric energy than at the same time last year. People that came here six months ago and will leave in six months and were not touched by the revolution we lived through: their minds operate in the category of furnishing energy to a population that has just come out of a war. So the energy concept, which your committee also has, is attaining the positions of the 80's. We have to get back to December 1984, when the temperature dropped to minus 26 Celsius, but there were no power cuts. Given that you are in the position you are, imagine if you had to make decisions that would have consequences for the next ten or twenty years - and this is the minimum for decisions that relate to energy policy. What is the Kosovo you see? A Kosovo that should be happy that it managed to produce the same amount of energy it produced in 1989. 6. Let me tell you what I think is going to happen from the decision brought by your Energy Committee. Within this decade, power plant Kosovo A, this old donkey that has been brought to life every time we had to pass through another winter, will die. We will remain with Kosovo B, this socialist victory, which every year costs a great deal of money to repair. The best-case scenario is that our electricity distribution net will be privatized and then whoever in Europe has electricity will sell it to us, with the great likelihood that the price will be lower than the price of what is being produced locally. This net will be privatized when there are assurances that the citizens will pay their bills, and it is toward this we must devote the remaining years of this decade. The end of this decade will mark the end of the industrial society, as we know it: with the closing down of Obiliq, Trepça and Feronikel, Kosovo will lose 70% of its own industrial production. It will also be noted that Kosovar society has not succeeded in transforming its economy: in a parody of something attributed to Lenin, that electrification and industrialization result in socialism, the transformation of the post-industrial society can't be managed without electricity. Eventually, we will have less need for electricity and fewer people able to pay it. The final consequence of the lack of political energy will be Kosovo's inability to stand on its own two feet. Shala: Compromise and maximum
requests (Zëri) Even if in meetings with international officials it has been expressed that it isn't time to discuss Kosovo's final status, Serb leaders never stop calculating the various options, which would overlook Kosovo's concerns, according to the majority of the citizens of Kosovo. The logic that dominates with Serb politicians is that Kosovo's final status must be a compromise between Albanian and Serb intentions. According to Belgrade, the process that should conclude this status is for both sides 'to defer from their maximal requests'. Specifically, if the Albanians say Kosovo must become independent state, above the status of self-determination, and if Serbs say that Kosovo must have autonomy settled within Serbia, then a solution should be found somewhere in between (we are talking about business); and, as Mr. Covic proposes, Kosovo could get a status like the Serb Republic in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Covic and some others are very imaginative about creating exclusive decisions for Kosovo's final status, where they find some other (Serb) options for Kosovo's independence that are unacceptable. In the end, Covic proposed that Kosovo's independence would be unacceptable. In this case, the Serb side has certain priorities because for Mr. Covic everything, except independence, is acceptable; and we still haven't tried to show that Kosovo's independence, in reality, is a political compromise and not a maximal request, and that with Kosovo's independence, we intend to end the Albanian matter in the Balkans. Greek presidency of EU ready to
open issue of Kosovo's Status (Koha Ditore) During its presidency of the EU, Greece will continue to have among its top priorities the enlargement process. After negotiations ended in Copenhagen and 10 more states were invited to join the EU family, a formal agreement for members to sign for entrance to the EU will take place during the Greek presidency, which starts in April. In a presentation of the EU priorities during Greece's presidency, Foreign Ministry George Papandreou explained that Greece has chosen a sparrow as a symbol for its presidency, since the sparrow brings luck, hope and prosperity in spring, but that it is also sensitive. Among other priorities, Greece has presented EU's institutional reforms and the discussion of migration as a fragile part of the European civil society, but also the convention for the future of Europe that is due to end with the summit in Thessaloniki. When it comes to the foreign politics, under the Greek presidency, the main concern of the EU will be on conditions in the Middle East and Iraq. Greece will put the Balkans issue back on the agenda as one of its main priorities. Foreign Minister Papandreou also clarified this in Brussels by adding, 'Our neighbors on the other side of the Balkans will someday join us in the EU.' He said that by the end of the Greek presidency, in late June, a EU summit would be held for the Balkan region, known as continuing the 'Zagreb Process' in Thessaloniki. According to the Greek Foreign Ministry, this summit on the Balkans will present the opportunity to push for speeding up the process of reforms and also the right of European integration. However, the Greek Foreign Ministry also announced that during its presidency the EU would also attend to the issue of Kosovo. 'I agree that the Balkans can't be integrated without solving existing political issues, which is the question of Kosovo,' said Papandreou. He said the open question of status in Kosovo would be determined by conditions on the ground and, in order to fulfill these conditions, there must be cooperation from others. Italy takes over the EU presidency after Greece. Beqiri: We oppose decentralization
on the basis of ethnicity (Zëri) Fieschi says the main purpose of the visits is to look over the system and see how the cooperation is working out, and how the OSCE is responding to this. Fieschi and Beqiri had the opportunity to discuss decentralization and the municipal administration in Kosovo, Zëri reports. 'The decentralization process in Kosovo is in its first phase and it will continue as a process in the future,' Fieschi told Zëri. 'We are for decentralization, but we oppose decentralization on an ethnic basis,' Beqiri said. He also said, 'An authentic decentralization implies positive handing over of competencies from central to local government in the municipalities, and later on to smaller administrative units. But we understand that decentralization in Kosovo is still in embryo and more time is needed to produce results.' Beqiri further said that transparence at the MAs would increase when
there is more cooperation and teamwork among the representatives and all
political parties that participate in assemblies around Kosovo. 'We have signed a document which is very important for KEK's future. Now we have a directive on how the Union and KEK's management will cooperate. On each agreement, we should find a compromise, but for what we have achieved, this is a very good sign for our future,' said Rieder. According to Rieder, there is no winner and no loser. 'Every one of us who works for KEK's future is a winner,' he said. Fejzullahu said that both sides were now determined to make an agreement based on employment law and that 'it is important that now we are partners'. KEK's strategic director, Ali Hamiti, said that this is the first collective contract to be signed in Kosovo. 'It is a contract, which describes relations between employer and employee,' he said. Top Server: Conditions not ripe for
discussing final status (BETA) |