Media Analysis 6 October 2003

• Afternoon Holbrooke: Kosovo resembles to airplane before Mach one (Koha Ditore)
  
• Palokaj: Why is dialogue taking place? (Koha Ditore)
  
• Xhaferi says dialogue is being imposed on Albanians (Koha Ditore)
  
• Why Vienna is not a Rambouilet? (Epoka e Re)
  
• First: US is withdrawing from the Balkans
  
• US and Russia allies
  
• Milosevic not ruling in Belgrade
  
• Restoration of the old policies
  
• One to one, with three abstentions (Zëri)
  
• Shala: The less damaging decision (Zëri)
  
• Editorial: Decision (Kosova Sot)
  
• Infrastructure of the failed 'dialogue' (Bota Sot)
  
• Nosov: Serbia did not care for Albanians, it just killed them (Koha)
  
• People around Batic, guilty for Srebrenica
  
• Baleta: Serbs do not let Albanians to forget (Bota Sot)
  
• Buxhaku: People involved in criminal acts hide behind AKSH (Koha Ditore)
  
• Is the process of privatization in Kosovo blocked? (Zëri)

Belgrade Media Update

• "No quick fix" for Kosovo (FoNet)
  
• Preparations begin for return of Serbs to Prizren (Tanjug)

Afternoon Holbrooke: Kosovo resembles to airplane before Mach one (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore carried an interview with former American ambassador and US envoy in Balkans Richard Holbrook.

Mr. Holbrook you have said that there is delay in resolving the final status. Why is this happening and what could be the consequences?
I will answer with a statement to you. I am current on a tour of Bosnia, Serbia and Kosovo with Kouchner; therefore before talking about Kosovo I would like to talk about Bosnia first. There are a lot of problems in Bosnia, corruption, a weak central government, a large number of people employed in the public sector, but it remains unclear what will happen when the higher [international] representative go, but eight years after Dayton we can say that this is the best day for Bosnia. It will be the same tomorrow. Why? Because for the first time in the last thousand years, Bosnia is independent and free. Therefore I know its status. Whereas in Kosovo it is different; you are free, but you aren't independent. This means that you should focus on the issue of status, instead of focusing on politics, economy, in your fate, in relations with your neighbors and particularly with Serbia. Therefore when I say that process is very slow, I feel that four years after the war there is no progress in resolving your political status. This is not reasonable. In the end, the dialogue will commence in Vienna and I will support these talks. Kosovo must be represented at the highest possible level because Serbia will be. The President of Serbia and Montenegro, Marovic and Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Covic told me that they would go. Do not give Serbia an easy victory by not sending anyone. This would be a major mistake. Talks could make progress, they might or might not achieve something and talks are the first step toward the future that all Kosovars want to have.

Kosovar leaders hesitate to enter talks due to the fear of prejudging the status. Do you think that this fear is reasonable and that in the international community there is a tendency to give Kosovo's status something different from independence?
No, I don't believe that their fear is reasonable. The status will not be changed in Vienna, unless they participate there. The world will blame them for failure and you will lose sympathy of the world and the fight will be much more difficult. This is obviously clear.

Kosovars have been saying that they can never be part of Serbia, while Serbs say the opposite. Will the talks change something?
Let me tell you something from talks that we had in Belgrade, which in all aspects were the most important in our trip. Mr. Lewitsky, Mr. Kouchner and I discovered something dramatic in Belgrade; Serbs realized that they have lost Kosovo. They know that Milosevic lost Kosovo, but they cannot say that publicly because this is politically impossible. But they are talking about division publicly. I know that division is not something that Kosovo wants or would accept but the fact that the Serbs are talking about division, which was impossible three years ago shows that they are moving. A high-ranking Serbian official told me that 99% of Serbs would accept division. Serbs have a choice; it's the choice between Kosovo and Europe. They can't have both, if they choose Kosovo, they will not have the EU, but will not have even Kosovo because Kosovo has gone. Every intelligent Serb knows that Belgrade cannot rule this place anymore. So, what they are worried about? I would say there are two things. The protection of culture and political and religious sites and monuments; and second, the return of IDPs, the right to return. If you in Kosovo halt the connections with the past and think about future, get closer to the Serbs and give them guarantees, this will be a big difference. The killing of children while they were cooling off was horrifying, and it had a bad impact. I know that since 1912 Serbs were ruling Kosovo and the Albanians, but now it's different, it is not 1912 or 1989, not even 1999, it is 2003. You have your hand; you should take responsibility in your own hands and this responsibility includes closeness with Serbs. Not only talks in Vienna, but in the diplomatic way, contacts between people from the civil society, between foundations, women's groups, lawyers, children, sports in the international meetings. Get close to them, eliminate their fear, show them that Serbs can live in Pristina, Peja and in other parts of Kosovo and you will be able to improve your position.

What are the practical steps to achieve Kosovo's final status? How do you see this process?
As you know I am not in the government and my idea could be different from Harri Holkeri, the US government or the EU. In fact it is different because they are moving much slowly. SRSG Holkeri said publicly that he agreed with me that the process is too slow.

The practical step that I would do is to begin talks on status; I would not wait another year or two as others thinks. I will move straight ahead. As you know in Vienna they will talk about transport and communication; missing persons and returns. However, each of these issues is a topic for the final status. Even if you talk about the color of this silk on the table between the Serbs and Albanians, talks will be about the final status. Everything is related to the final status and time will not make things easy unless people use this time. In the last four years things here were very good, particularly during Kouchner's rule, but now tensions have been raised and this is not good. When an airplane reaches 'mach one' and breaks the sound barrier the plan shakes, but when passes that point it again feels safe and sound. We are now at that point. We are getting closer to Mach one and the airplane is shaking a little bit, but let's just get past it…

I also believe that the KPC should be given task of protecting Serbs monasteries and this act will increase number of Serb recruits. We now have only 22 Serbs out of three thousands KPC members. Give them [Serbs] task to protect the monuments and you will have thousands of Serbs who will join KPC. I have mentioned this to General Çeku, who told me that he had made the same proposals to UNMIK a year ago, but it was refused. Let's keep open this idea.

Does the American administration have the same policy towards the region as the administration you served?

There is a huge difference between the approaches of the Clinton administration and current administration toward the region. Let's be clear. A enormous event has occurred since then, which is called 11 September 2001. The events of this day have changed American policy. Now we have three major concerns: Iraq, Afghanistan and the war against terrorism around all over the world. These priorities are occupying most of our resources. Although we are the richest country in the world our resources aren't unlimited, so you should understand why the Bush administration is paying less attention to the region. This is one of the reasons why President Clinton, Bernard Kouchner, Mr. Lewitsky and I came here, because we have spent part of our lives in this area. I gave ten years of my life to the Balkans, the same as Bernard Kouchner and President Clinton. So, we want to say that this region is still important for the US although administration priorities have changed.

Last week papers published reports about the deployment of 1000 Serbian troops in Afghanistan in support of the American forces there. Does this present a new American approach toward Serbia and Kosovo?

This is a very interesting issue. The offer to deploy 1000 troops came from Belgrade, and wasn't a response American demands. I would like to say something about this. Serbs have demonstrated great cleverness with this offer. Their decision to offer their troops under the American command just four year after the war against themselves is very clever, because this shows that they want good relations with the US, that they are not angry with us. Germany and Japan made similar gestures after the war. This is a very good move. Albanians should learn from this. Now lets go back to your question. The American ambassador in Belgrade, Amb. Montgomery, has assured me that there is absolutely no connection between this decision and Kosovo. This decision is designed to improve relations between Serbia and the US. Ambassador Montgomery and other US officials in Washington told me that they have made it clear to Belgrade that this decision will not have any effect in Kosovo.

Two weeks ago the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Richard Myers, visited Kosovo. We are continually hearing statements that the US is reassessing its presence in the world. Is the American military presence in Kosovo still a necessity?

Yes, I think is necessary, although they may reduce the number. I don't want to talk about figures because this is a military decision, but from the political viewpoint we shouldn't withdraw all our troops from Kosovo and Bosnia. It would be a historic mistake if we withdrew our troops without finishing this task. Moreover, after resolving Kosovo's final status, an international presence should remain here. Whether this will be NATO or EUROCORP remains to be determined, but a presence should be here into the future.

Palokaj: Why is dialogue taking place? (Koha Ditore)
In an opinion piece in Koha Ditore related to upcoming technical talks between Prishtina and Belgrade, columnist Augustin Palokaj writes: 'The concrete and technical result of dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade will not be that important, but as in every symbolic development the more important thing will be the perception of the meeting, both on the part of the international community and according to public opinion in Kosovo and in Serbia'.

Next week in Vienna senior international officials will gather to attend a meeting for which not even the participants are sure what character it is going to have. It is being said that 'dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade on technical issues of mutual interest' is going to start in Vienna, but based on the conduct and statements made in the EU, NATO and western capitals, the importance of this meeting will rest more on its symbolic aspect and less on concrete issues. Javier Solana, Lord Robertson, Commissioner Chris Patten, Austrian Foreign Minister Ferrero Waldner and US Assistant Secretary of State Larry Rossin will hardly contribute on technical issues which, according to Kosovar media, will be discussed by Prishtina and Belgrade, and according to Serbian media, by Belgrade and Prishtina. I am not sure that these high-ranking diplomats know much about issues such as the recognition of license plates, the transfer of documents or even the export-import of electricity, which should be the topics of discussions. In fact it would be weird if the chief of an alliance such as NATO or the foreign policy and security chief of a powerful mechanism such as the European Union would deal with issues such as Kosovars' opportunity to travel with their vehicles to Vranje or Kragujevac and that Covic should recognize this right.

Apart from saying that 'dialogue has special importance for improving the living conditions of citizens', high-ranking officials in Brussels cannot say anything concrete about the issue of dialogue. They say that 'by their presence in the meeting they want to prove the great support of the international community for dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade'; therefore, they don't say that they want to offer a concrete contribution to the talks.

The time to do something

Caught in a position when things in Kosovo move slowly or don't move at all and at a time when international interest in Kosovo is fading away, the international community wants to do something in Kosovo by all means, make 'an important' but not a huge step. No one in the international community plans to 'formally recognize the independence of Kosovo', as Kosovo President asks, he who thinks that even during Milosevic's regime Kosovo was independent and he doesn't even plan to 'return Kosovo under Serbia', as Belgrade is requesting. The chosen step, just for the sake of proving that something is being done, is the start of dialogue between Prishtina Belgrade 'on technical issues of mutual interest'.

With this, the international community simply wants to do a test, to see what is going to happen in this meeting, and yet even if nothing happens it will still be a result. Even if the meeting fails, failure is going to be a result. The international community simply wants to see if Serbs and Albanians can even talk to each other. Are they going to quarrel, are they going to insult each other, are they going to show good manners, are they going to get mad at each other, are they going to understand each other and many other dilemmas could be answered in the very beginning of this meeting. The proof that Serbs and Albanians reached the position that now they can talk to each other is going to be a more important result for the international community than the recognition of license plates, because they are not recognized even by some countries of high-ranking officials who will launch the solemn dialogue in Vienna. Even the proof that Serbs and Albanians are still unable to talk to each other normally will prove to be a lesson for the international community. Whatever happens, for better or for worse, it will better for the international community than nothing at all. It will not be that important the concrete and technical result of dialogue between Prishtina and Belgrade, but as in every symbolical development more important will be the perception of the meeting, both from the side of the international community and by the public opinion in Kosovo and in Serbia

Kosovars should ask themselves why no one is asking them

One thing went wrong since the very beginning of the initiative for dialogue. The Kosovar side hasn't been consulted enough and this has resulted in outrage among Kosovar politicians. However, this too has its reasons that we must seek in Steiner's time. He was used to first get the support of the EU, NATO, US and then serve it to Kosovars who didn't dare have the slightest doubt over what the abovementioned centers would say. Thus, on the eve of the Thessaloniki Summit, Steiner had gained the willingness of the Kosovar side to start dialogue, and President Rugova, Prime Minister Rexhepi and Mr. Todorovic went there and were ready to talk to the Serbs. The meeting didn't take place because Serbs refused. Kosovars are now seeking a consensus at the assembly to support dialogue; a consensus is being sought even by the assembly speaker who was elected to his not through consensus but with the votes of his party and the Serb Coalition Povratak. The hesitation of Kosovars to enter dialogue in Brussels now is being perceived as a way of giving up from the promise that was made in Thessaloniki. Or even as the wish of Kosovars for someone to ask for their opinion. And to fulfill their wish maybe Javier Solana will personally come to Prishtina to convince the Kosovars to agree to dialogue.

But in the mentality of Kosovar leaders there has been a dependency on others for quite a while now. The Kosovar delegation in Rambouillet was appointed by the US Ambassador Christopher Hill, because Albanians couldn't reach an agreement among themselves. In fact, the main Kosovar leaders haven't even met in Prishtina without the presence of international mediators. Even now when Kosovo is more or less free, our leaders are unable of negotiating a strategy amongst themselves without the presence of internationals.

When I asked Mr. Rugova after the Thessaloniki Summit if he was truly willing to enter dialogue with Belgrade, he found this question 'such a nonsense' that he answered by saying 'I don't see it necessary to answer this question, Mr. Steiner answered this'. Behind the sentence of the president 'I don't need to answer because Mr. Steiner gave an answer to this', lays the entire philosophy of Kosovar politics.

Our leaders either think that their opinion is of no relevance or they are used to avoid responsibility by allowing others to speak in their name. Then they must really ask themselves why no one is asking for their opinion. This whole mess is going to bring the Kosovar side to the table of talks as in a 'last-minute' type. As a result of this the Kosovar side is going to be less prepared, much more afraid and with a lower sense of self-esteem. Or it could decide not to enter dialogue at all, insist on their position and take over all the responsibility for such a decision. Now they have brought themselves in a position where they will look unserious before the international community if they say no to dialogue, and even be accused of not staying true to their words, if they have ever gave their words that they were willing to enter dialogue. Or they could look unserious in front of the Kosovar public opinion who they so often told 'we don't have any reason to talk to Belgrade', whereas now they are entering dialogue. Or maybe they gave much thought to their words.

Whatever happens we can predict that after the first meeting, international officials are going to tell journalists 'we had a constructive meeting and this is a historical step that marks a turning point for the region'.

Xhaferi says dialogue is being imposed on Albanians (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore reported that Arbën Xhaferi, the leader of the Albanian Democratic Party (PDSH) in Macedonia said that the dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade was being imposed by the international community on Kosovo and that Kosovar officials have no competencies to resolve Kosovo's final status.

'At this point, Kosovars are facing a difficult situation because they haven't had a Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and they cannot refuse to participate in the dialogue because the international community is insisting on it,' Xhaferi said.

Commenting on the position of the Albanians in the Presevo Valley, Xhaferi said that they must have rights equal to what the Serbs are going to get in Kosovo. 'If this model is not respected, we could wind up in a situation where Serbs in the Balkans will have more rights than any other nation in the Balkans,' he added.

Why Vienna is not a Rambouilet? (Epoka e Re)

Epoka e Re carried an opinion piece by Viron Gjymshana who asks what will happen if Albanians do not agree to sit at the table with the Serbs? Who benefited from the last four years of complete separation from Serb rule in Kosovo? And what if we have another four similar years, what evil would come to Kosovo?

All those in favour of the dialogue with Serbia emphasize that Albanians should be cooperative with the international community, meaning mainly the Contact Group, and the EU. And in order to be more convincing, most of them continuously keep repeating that there is no harm coming from the dialogue and that there is nothing to fear from the Vienna meeting, since it can be considered as a repeat or continuation of Rambouilet. Is it in fact so? There are some facts and arguments that refute this theory. Firstly, the situation in the international arena has changed dramatically since 1999, when the Rambouilet conference took place, and therefore the objectives and the strategy of the west have changed as well.

First: US is withdrawing from the Balkans

The 11th of September, when some Islamic fundamentalists destroyed the twin towers in New York, has, among other things, also damaged the Albanian cause. It has focused the attention of Bush on the Middle East, Central Asia and the Far East. The Balkans is no longer a priority for the American foreign policy, including Kosovo. The opposition of some major countries within the EU to the military intervention in Iraq has also had a great impact. American strategists are repeatedly saying that they are going to withdraw their troops from the Balkans leaving this region to EU responsibility.

US and Russia allies

The war on terror, mainly the Islamic one, has completely changed the relations between the White House and Kremlin. Putin and Bush have now common interests and common enemies. This is illustrated by the fact that in a recent meeting held in Camp David, they both promised to help each other in their military campaigns in Chechnya, Afghanistan, Iraq, etc.

Milosevic not ruling in Belgrade

The key and the main factor in changing the western policy towards Kosovo is the change of regime in Belgrade. To the US administration the then Milosevic was as loathsome as Sadam, therefore any measure to remove him from power was welcome. Nowadays Serbia is gradually winning back all its former friends. Albanians in Rambouilet had the foreign secretary of the strongest state in the world at their side, Madeleine Albright. But who do they have this time in Vienna?

Restoration of the old policies

We should not forget that after the 9/11, the Superpowers are following internal and foreign policies similar to Restoration, which means applying rules, principles and agreements that existed before the world was divided in two blocs. This return to old policies might be noticed in economic, political and military fields, and to the revival of traditional policies and alliances. In this environment, there is fear that the same interests that prevailed in London conference might be present again in the Vienna conference.

The last but not least; what benefit to come from dialogue?

Let us tackle the problem from another angle. What would the Kosovars benefit from starting the dialogue with the Serbs? Maybe they will please the international community. But, what is the international stance towards the final status of Kosovo? Nobody knows. But what is known is that nobody in Brussels or Washington is talking in support of the independence of Kosovo. Some might argue that the dialogue is important to solve some technical issues. Fine. Then there is no need for talks in Vienna, Brussels or elsewhere. These talks between experts could be held at the border between Kosovo and Serbia. And if they are to be held at a higher level, Kosovo can freely send a delegation comprising UNMIK representatives. Isn't UNMIK the omnipotent representation of life in Kosovo. Isn't its administrator the omnipotent person who can declare null and void all the decisions of the Kosovo Government and its Assembly, furthermore to order discussions with Belgrade. And, eventually what would happen if Albanians do not agree to sit at the same table with the Serbs? Who benefited from the four years of complete separation from the Serb rule in Kosovo? And what if we have another four similar years, what evil would come to Kosovo?

One to one, with three abstentions (Zëri)

Zëri commented on how the major Albanian politicians have taken positions regarding the talks in Vienna? What is the stance of the international circles in Pristina regarding the dialogue? Are we to expect a new proposal from the head of UNMIK, Harri Holkeri?

The local authorities in Kosovo most probably need to find a way to articulate their position on Harri Holkeri's offer to start talks with representatives from Serbia on 14 of October in Vienna. According to "Zëri" the western diplomatic sources in Pristina assess that the Albanian politicians should consider advantages and disadvantages of going to Vienna. The same circles are convinced that Pristina would lose a lot in the eyes of the western capitals if it refused to start the dialogue with Belgrade.

"Zëri" found that today (Monday, October 06, 2003) the US Office in Pristina will give a statement in support of the talks between representatives of Kosovo and Serbia, and the names of the US delegation in Vienna. As "Zëri" wrote some days ago, Larry Rosin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Euro-Asian Affairs, Marcy Reis, head of the US Office in Pristina and William Montgomery, US ambassador to Serbia and Montenegro, will be part of the delegation. The day later, a similar statement will come from the British Office in Pristina. It is known that the Kosovar public, for known reasons, has great respect for the US and British Offices.

Yet, it is not clear how much influence these statements will have on Kosovo officials, who have vowed they will go to Vienna only if the Assembly of Kosovo supports this initiative. Last week, after it was understood that there was no positive mood to support the start of the dialogue, there was much speculation about starting the talks, if in the meantime the UNMIK chief Holkeri made a move regarding the request of the Kosovo Government for more competencies, including those that fall under reserved powers. In the meantime, according to "Zëri", Holkeri has offered some meaningful possibilities for transfer of competencies from Chapter V, and has also proposed a position for a Kosovar in his office. However, issues falling under reserved powers continue to remain quite problematic because, according to diplomatic sources, for such a move the support of UN is required. So, as things stand now, there might be some moves as to increasing involvement of Kosovars in the reserved powers and not in the direction of transferring a part of them to the Government of Kosovo, at least at the office level and not at the ministerial one. These proposals can hardly push the main Kosovar politicians, who would later need to convince the Assembly members, to support the dialogue.
In this environment, the final decision should be based on the analysis of consequences of going to Vienna or even refusing to go there, which according to the latest news (if it takes place) will have a live coverage by our TV stations. So, it is difficult to expect a new offer from UNMIK or a new western diplomatic initiative to convince the Kosovar side to take part in the talks. It has been rumored that Javier Solana, the High Representative of the EU Foreign Policy was to come to Pristina, but he would take this trip only if in the meantime he receives signals that there are more people supporting than opposing the dialogue. So far, out of five most relevant politicians in Kosovo, only two have clearly declared their positions on Vienna: Nexhat Daci, the head of the Kosovo Assembly Presidency, thinks that they should go to Vienna, and Ramush Haradinaj, head of AAK, a party which has two ministers in the Government of Bajram Rexhepi, is against these talks. The Prime Minister Rexhepi has left the Assembly to make the decision, while President Rugova and Hashim Thaçi, head of PDK, apart from saying that they are in favour of talks with neighbors, have not given any clear sign of what they think about the Vienna meeting.

The Government asks the Assembly support on dialogue and offers its completion with four new ministries

From sources close to the Kosovo Government "Zëri" has found out that the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Bajram Rexhepi, does not intend to change his stance on the dialogue. So, there is no truth in speculations that if the three major politicians; President Rugova, head of PDK Thaçi, and head of AAK Haradinaj agree to start the dialogue, then Rexhepi would travel to Vienna without the support of the Assembly of Kosovo.
So the last word remains with the Assembly.
On the other hand, the PM Rexhepi will try to get the consent of his cabinet to present the Assembly members on Thursday, 9 October, the request for completion of the executive with four new ministries; the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Energy and Minerals. If the Assembly of Kosovo approves this request, then we will enter a new stage of relations between the local authorities and the international administration.

Shala: The less damaging decision (Zëri)
In a front-page editorial for Zëri, Blerim Shala wrote:

The latest assembly session, which failed to give support for the start of the talks between Kosovar and Serbian/Montenegrin representatives, impressed the Kosovar public opinion with the call of almost all representatives who said that our leading politicians should be more honest, clearer and direct regarding the issue of the dialogue. There were even claims that some of the leaders say one thing when they meet international representatives and then say different things when they meet their supporters and deputies. Similar messages were sent by UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri during the press briefing when he said that the first meeting would be held in Vienna on October 14th. Holkeri mentioned tricks and circus to sting our politicians.

It is genuinely known that Kosovar officials are entering the week when they must decide on the issue of the dialogue, without a clear idea on what they are going to say in the upcoming session of the Kosovo Assembly on Thursday. It seems that the hopes of the majority that in due time they will come to their senses will prove unrealistic.

Being a Kosovar official, among other things implies being capable of making at least the less damaging decision for Kosovo. Once the decision is made it must then be justified and protected.

Editorial: Decision (Kosova Sot)
Kosova Sot commented on the position of the Kosovar leaders to increased demands for beginning the dialogue with Serbia.

This week the Albanian leaders will take a historic decision about our country. To accept or to reject the dialogue with Serbia. None of the Kosovar requests has been met so far. The Albanians were ignored completely; the focus was only on Belgrade. UNMIK and Harri Holkeri are more concerned about the Serbian politicians, while they thought it would be easy to convince the Albanian politicians on the issue of the dialogue. However, it seems that all leaders aren't convinced regarding the dialogue because the dialogue will begin with lack of transparency and lack of guarantees for Kosovo's status.

Infrastructure of the failed 'dialogue' (Bota Sot)
Bota Sot commented on the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia and why this dialogue is designated to fail.

The Kosovo institutions are under strong pressure, while Kosovo leaders are being kept in check and as a result their relations with the electorate, Kosovo's people and the international community have been paralyzed. A Kosovo without its complete institutions; a Kosovo where its institutions have no significant competence is being forced to start a 'dialogue' in Vienna without the Minister of Foreign Affairs; a Kosovo in which in the last few years have been are used to resurrect relations with Serbia.

This is infrastructure for a failed 'dialogue', which has been prepared in a sophisticated way in the last four-five years.

Nosov: Serbia did not care for Albanians, it just killed them (Koha)

Koha Ditore carried an interview with Serbian journalist and activist for human rights Andrej Nosovo. Nosov speaks about his visits in Kosovo and the situation here. Along optimism for things going forward, he also expresses criticism for the civic society, which according to him, is not speaking up loudly enough against human rights violations

Andrej Nosov, a human rights activist from Serbia, has often visited postwar Pristina. He says that each time he noticed a step forward taken toward normalcy in Kosovo. While the first time he came here in an armored car and with an escort, the second time he decided to take a walk around, despite negative impressionsfrom newspaper articles. The third and the fourth time he felt quite comfortable, and could speak his language freely.
Apart from being a representative of the "Youth Initiative of Serbia" and a coordinator of "Toplica Initiative", two bodies that deal with human rights, Nosov also works as a journalist for the Serbian daily "Danas". In an interview for "Koha Ditore" he expresses his opinion on developments in Serbia, in the field of human rights and also gives a message to his Kosovar friends. Nosov says that the voice of human rights activists in Serbia is only raised after incidents that media think are worth a story.
"However, I cannot say there is no progress. But in Serbia, as in some other countries, politicians use human rights for political motives, but one cannot talk about respecting human rights.

Authorities different from Millosevic, the policy for national unity remains the same

According to Nosov the authorities in Serbia, though they consider Kosovo as part of Serbia, they apply double standards to those living in Kosovo.
"I think that we cannot compare the new authorities in Serbia with the regime of Milosevic, but we can compare the policy of national unity foreseen by Milosevic with the one of the current authorities in Belgrade. The Coordination Center talks about the difficult situation of Serbs, but not about the difficult situation for Albanians. They say "Kosovo is part of Serbia, and our Serbs are oppressed there", not taking in consideration that 90 % of people there are Albanians. So, if they are Coordination Center for Kosovo and Metohia, as they call it, they should deal with the situation of all people living in Kosovo, and not only with Serbs" says Nosov.
He reminds that there are people in the Government of Serbia, who opposed war in Kosovo, but their voices are not strong enough. He also says that Covic mentions some crimes and some people who should be responsible for killing civilians, but he is not ready to see who is sitting around him in the Coordination Center.
"I cannot prove, but there are founded doubts that they were attacking rifles in the hands of Milosevic, and that those people can no longer deal with Kosovo" Nosov also mentions the steps underway in Serbia to reveal the truth, and dragging of the things by the Government.
"The institutions have started trials for Podujeva case, next is Batajnica, Korenica, killings in the village of Meja. I think that the future generations will learn a lot from these trials, while victims will be brought back respect. I am talking about the Albanian victims, also Serbian ones, which are in Serbia, and which do not have any respect, since they were manipulated by politics.

People around Batic, guilty for Srebrenica

According to Nosov, after appointing a war crime prosecutor Serbia now has a chance to distance itself from the Milosevic regime, or do the opposite. "I would give some time to this prosecutor to see whether he can do anything, and if not, I can say that Serbia has not detached itself from the regime of Milosevic, and that he is from the Hague leading our heads, if not the our system"
Speaking of Vladan Batic, the Serbian Minister of Justice, Nosov says that he belongs to the group responsible for Srebrenica. "In Serbia we have the pro-nationalist party of Vladan Batic, whose members can be considered responsible for Srebrenica. They say that Hashim Thaci is the biggest criminal after the Second World War. Not trying to marginalize the fact that nobody is guilty until so proven by the court, I do not know how those gentlemen do not feel ashamed to talk like that, when it is known that the biggest crime after the SWW is Srebrenica, and afterwards what happened in Kosovo" adding that "in Belgrade it is said that some Albanians were killed, and that they were killed by some members of our forces, and we will punish this". "This is not fine, this was not done by some members, but by the system, by the police" he says.
According to him the case of Gorazhdec, when two Serb kids were shot, is to be condemned, too, but it was not carried out by police, nor by the system. "Now they are telling me in Belgrade; look what is happening in Kosovo. What happened in Gorazhdec is terrible, but we cannot say it was done by police. It is a state that killed its citizen in the 21st century, just because their surname did not end in "ic" I cannot agree with this parallels, says Nosov.
Nosov thinks that Serbia should also deal with Kosovo Serbs wandering through Belgrade and Kraleva, and who are in a very bad situation. I admit that I am interested in not losing my friends in Pristina, and in being able to come and move freely, which I have done a couple of times now, and nobody grudged my speaking Serbian. At the same time, I need to go to the IDPs and tell them I had no problems speaking Serbian in Pristina, and if they really want a welfare in Kosovo, they need to see for themselves and not to trust political versions of RTS, or Milosevic", says the coordinator of "Toplica Initiative" who also organized in Prokuple a round table on Mitrovica with two Albanian and two Serb journalists from this divided town invited.

There is progress in Kosovo, but the society and the institutions should raise their voice higher for any killing

Talking about his visits to Kosovo and the situation here, he says that along optimism for things moving forward, he also expresses critics for the civic society, which according to him, is not speaking up loudly enough against human rights violations. "I think that in Kosovo, too, there is a lack of a voice from the civic society. If this society wants to move forward, they should raise their voice against killings, regardless of ethnic background"
He also has critics for the international community, which according to him is not doing enough to solve killings in the postwar Kosovo, be those of Serbs or Albanians. "The international community in Kosovo is doing very little. I can see that in the Peja region, many killings are being committed, young people are getting shot on the street. This police force should find out who is committing these crimes. I think that the international community is doing too little to achieve a normal life here"
"I can see that a new system of values is being built in Kosovo. Each time I come here, I see some new details, a container or a shop, that shows that something is changing here, and that it is not a result of elections.

Baleta: Serbs do not let Albanians to forget (Bota Sot)
Bota Sot carried a comment by Abdi Baleta who commented on Clinton's visit to Kosovo and relations between Serbs and Albanians.

Serbs remind the Albanians every day that they want to repeat what happened in the past. They did exactly that by adopting the Declaration on Kosovo. After the SRSG announced that talks on practical issues will begin in Vienna on October 14, Serbian deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic said with arrogance and cynicism that 'these will be talks between Serbian government and the Serbian province of Kosovo'. Covic did not hesitate to base this cynicism on the UNSC Resolution 1244. As long as such diplomatic cynicism continues, how could the Albanians begin to forget the hatred?

Buxhaku: People involved in criminal acts hide behind AKSH (Koha Ditore)
Koha Ditore carried an interview that Agron Buxhaku, deputy chairman of the Macedonian Parliament gave to the Gracanica-based newspaper Glas Juga.

Buxhaku said that armed Albanians, who were hiding under the umbrella of the Albanian National Army (AKSH) and threatening to destabilize the region, were in fact a group of dissatisfied people known for criminal activities.

'I know the situation on the ground, and eyewitnesses in western Macedonia have told me that there is a young man who is involved in various criminal activities but is not related to those organizations. On one occasion, together with some armed friends, he kidnapped two police officers and later on set them free. A week later, he gave an interview saying that he is Commander Vardari and he said that his action was a work of the AKSH,' Buxhaku said. 'This person is not satisfied with his position in Macedonia and with the Albanian cause there. Therefore, he used this opportunity to claim that he was going to form Greater Albania. I think that the world is not going to allow this, the same way it isn't going to allow the formation of any great country in the Balkans.'

Commenting on Kosovo's position, Buxhaku voiced his belief that Kosovo would win independence by 2005, after presidential elections in the US. 'We want Kosovo to be democratic and to respect human rights of everyone living in Kosovo. Once these standards are fulfilled and once dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade commences, then independence can be won,' Buxhaku concluded.

Is the process of privatization in Kosovo blocked? (Zëri)
Zëri reports that when everyone is expecting the process of privatization to be accelerated, especially after the second round of privatization, the whole process is in danger of being blocked.

Zëri reported that Prime Minister Bajram Rexhepi has already addressed this issue with UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri.

The paper claimed that problems that have emerged in the Kosovo Trust Agency (KTA), the mechanism in charge of the privatization process, have caused concern not only in UNMIK and the UN in New York, but also in the European Union and the governments of leading western countries that have liaison offices in Pristina.

'There are two kinds of problems which have affected the functioning of the KTA recently. First is the legal immunity of the members of the KTA Board. Even though the KTA was founded by the SRSG and is a reserved power of UNMIK, unlike all similar structures, the members of the KTA Board have no legal immunity. It seems that this problem came to the surface especially after the latest offensive of the Belgrade government, which is applying pressure on members of the UN Security Council to stop the process of privatization claiming that it is in contravention of the UNSC Resolution 1244. Belgrade has announced that it will launch a criminal complaint against everyone who is privatizing socially owned enterprises owned by Belgrade,' added Zëri.

The second problem, according to the paper, is related to Belgrade's aims in this matter. 'According to local experts, there are three discriminatory laws that were amended after the abrogation of Kosovo's political autonomy (March, 1989) which have served the purpose of changing the ownership of socially owned enterprises. Therefore, UNMIK chief Harri Holkeri should formally repeal these three laws and guarantee legal immunity for all members of the KTA Board. If this doesn't happen, internationals involved in this process will resign from the board. Since in the current circumstances KTA cannot be transferred to the Kosovo Government, then it the SRSG doesn't take into consideration the concerns of the KTA board, the process of privatization will stop,' it was added.

Zëri quoted reliable sources as saying that UNMIK officials are well aware of the consequences for the international administration and the Kosovar society if privatization is stopped. 'The grave economic situation would further suffer a serious blow. It would also mean a shock to the concept of standards before status, which requires the Kosovar society to continue its development in all areas before addressing the status of Kosovo.'

The same sources told Zëri that Brussels and leading western capitals support the idea of taking into account the concerns of the KTA Board. 'Furthermore, it is expected that this problem will be solved because even delays in the process of privatization would have consequences in the economic and political development of Kosovo. Legal experts in UNMIK and UN headquarters in New York are working to overcome this situation. In the meantime, UNMIK, the Kosovo Government and the KTA hope that a positive result would be achieved this week,' concluded the newspaper.

Belgrade Media Update

"No quick fix" for Kosovo (FoNet)
Federal Minorities Minister Rasim Ljajic said today that he does not expect any rapid solution for the problems of Kosovo, particularly given that next year is an election year in Kosovo, Serbia and the US. Ljajic told Pristina media that he failed to see ho the Kosovo problem could be solved without the direct involvement of the US Administration. Direct agreements between Pristina and Belgrade would also be of key importance to the process he said. "Next year we have elections in Kosovo, Serbia and the US. In an election year it's very difficult to expect any side to compromise because it could be costly to them," said Ljajic. "That's why it's important to begin talks on the technical problems faced by people, leaving any discussion on political issues aside," he added.

Preparations begin for return of Serbs to Prizren (Tanjug)
At the Theological Faculty in Prizren began on Monday activities in connection with the project for the return of Serbs to Prizren, which is planned for 2004.
"We considered that the Theological Faculty where Serbs from Prizren took refuge in June 1999 and from where they left the town, should now be the linchpin around which returnees should rally," coordinator of return to the Prizren district Bratisalv Zrzevic told Tanjug.