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20 October 2003 Afternoon Edition
Kosovo News
· Three former army soldiers sentenced for
Kosovo war crimes (AP)
· Human trafficking rings also smuggling weapons (AP)
· Mission Sisyphus (FAZ)
Regional News
· Micunovic kicks off campaign (Beta)
· Micunovic says he will run for president (B92)
· Tomic named as presidential candidate No. 4 (Beta)
· Ex-president to be buried alongside Bosnian Muslim fighters Wednesday
(AP)
· Late prime minister's bodyguard questions official version of
events (AP)
Three former army soldiers sentenced for Kosovo war crimes
BELGRADE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) _ Three former Yugoslav army soldiers
were convicted Monday for war crimes in Kosovo in 1999 and sentenced to
seven to nine years in prison, the supreme military court said.
Maj. Dragisa Petkovic received nine years, while two reserve army soldiers,
Nenad Stamenkovic and Tomica Jovic, were sentenced to seven years in prison
for killing two ethnic Albanian civilians during the war in the Serbian
province.
The court said it found that the three had killed an elderly ethnic Albanian
couple in a village near Kosovo's capital, Pristina. No other details
or motives were released.
The trial was the second before a military court for atrocities by Serb-led
forces during the war against ethnic Albanian separatists. NATO eventually
intervened with airstrikes to stop the crackdown, which left up to 10,000
ethnic Albanians dead or missing.
A year ago, a military court convicted four soldiers of war crimes in
the deaths of two ethnic Albanians and sentenced them to up to seven years
in prison.
The NATO airstrikes eventually forced then-President Slobodan Milosevic
to pull his forces from Kosovo, which since 1999 has been run by the United
Nations and NATO-led peacekeepers.
Milosevic is on trial before the U.N. tribunal in The Hague, Netherlands,
for genocide and crimes against humanity his forces committed in Kosovo
and elsewhere in the Balkans in the 1990s wars.
Human trafficking rings also smuggling weapons, weapons, drugs, official
says
By FISNIK ABRASHI
PRISTINA, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) _ Human trafficking rings also
are involved in smuggling weapons and drugs across the Balkans, experts
said as a three-day conference on the problem opened Monday.
``We know that in southeastern Europe, these criminal enterprises are
linked with other criminal activities,'' said Helga Konrad, chairwoman
of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe's task force on human trafficking.
``We know that drug trafficking and the trafficking in weapons (use) the
same channels,'' she told the conference organized by the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Despite the worldwide attention that the problem is receiving, traffickers
are getting more sophisticated and brutal in their dealings and their
activities are going deeper underground, Konrad said.
Most victims of trafficking in Kosovo and elsewhere in the Balkans are
aged 18-24 and come mainly from economically depressed countries such
as Moldova and Ukraine, according to statistics presented at the conference.
The overwhelming majority of victims are young women and children forced
into prostitution, experts said.
Besim Beqaj, an adviser to Kosovo's prime minister, said that most victims
use the southern Serbian province as a transit point before being sent
to Western Europe.
Because the problem is not confined to Kosovo, solving it will require
regional information gathering and sharing, Beqaj said.
Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since June 1999, following
a NATO air campaign aimed at stopping the crackdown of Serb forces on
independence-minded ethnic Albanians.
Mission Sisyphus
Die Staatengemeinschaft hat ein Konzept für das Kosovo - realistisch
ist es aber nicht
Von Michael Martens - FAZ
Und nun? Ratlos wirken viele Beteiligte nach den ersten Nachkriegsgesprächen
zwischen Serben und Kosovaren am vergangenen Dienstag im Wiener Bundeskanzleramt.
Dort sollte der Dialog zwischen den Regierungen Belgrads und Prishtinas
beginnen. Notwendig sind solche Gespräche, denn spätestens seit
dem Luftkrieg der Nato um das Kosovo im Jahr 1999 hat man nur noch übereinander
geredet - und das meist nicht freundlich. Doch die kosovoalbanische Führung
will nicht reden. Sie sorgt sich nur um die Frage, wann das Kosovo die
staatliche Unabhängigkeit von Serbien erlangt. Schon jetzt gehört
die Provinz nur noch formal (und auf der Wetterkarte des serbischen Fernsehens)
zu Belgrad. Für die albanische Bevölkerungsmehrheit im Kosovo
ist die ungeklärte Statusfrage ihrer Heimat das größte
Übel. In der Tat ist der völkerrechtliche Schwebezustand hinderlich
für die Entwicklung des Kosovos, wo fast sechzig Prozent der Bevölkerung
keine regelmäßige Arbeit haben. Die führenden kosovoalbanischen
Politiker machen es sich selbst und ihren Wählern aber zu einfach,
wenn sie behaupten, nur die ungeklärte Zukunft des Kosovos halte
die dringend benötigten ausländischen Investoren davon ab, ins
Land zu kommen. Staaten wie Moldova oder Tadschikistan haben einen eindeutigen
Status. Verlockend für ausländisches Kapital sind sie deshalb
noch lange nicht. Warum solte das Kosovo als souveräner Staat - seine
Bevölkerungszahl entspräche etwa dem des Großraums von
Hamburg -, plötzlich attraktiv werden für Investoren?
Direkte Kontakte und normale nachbarschaftliche Beziehungen zwischen
den Serben und "ihren" Albanern im Kosovo sind dennoch nötig
und in
beiderseitigem Interesse. Sie sind auch Teil der Hausaufgaben, die der
Übergangsregierung des Kosovos von ihren internationalen Aufsehern
aufgegeben wurden. Erst nach deren Erledigung, so die offizielle Linie
der Staatengemeinschaft in ihrem Protektorat, könne über den
endgültigen Status der Provinz gesprochen werden. Doch wenn in Wien
der Ton für die Zukunft gesetzt wurde, ist auch von den kommenden
Begegnungen der ehemaligen Kriegsgegner nicht viel zu erwarten. In Österreich
fand bestenfalls ein Monolog beider Parteien statt: Ibrahim Rugova, der
Präsident des Kosovos, forderte wie seit Jahren die Unabhängigkeit.
Die serbische Regierung schloß das wie stets kategorisch aus, denn
für Belgrad ist das Kosovo nur eine abtrünnige Provinz. Der
UN-Verwalter des Kosovos, Harri Holkeri, hatte sich
vorgenommen, den politischen Autismus auf beiden Seiten aufzubrechen.
Damit mußte der Finne scheitern. Auch die seit diesem Sommer von
ihm geleitete UN-Mission im Kosovo ist trotz unübersehbarer Fortschritte
ihrer eigentlichen Aufgabe kaum nähergekommen. Die größte
UN-Mission der Welt soll sich selbst überflüssig machen. Bisher
ist es ihr aber nur gelungen, den Konflikt einzufrieren. Doch es ist sehr
teuer und aufwendig, die Spannungen im Kosovo am Gefrierpunkt zu halten.
Und vor allem: Es führt zu nichts. Die Unmik hat acht Standards vorgegeben,
die erfüllt sein müssen, bevor die politische Zukunft des Kosovos
festgelegt werden kann. Doch einige dieser Vorgaben verwandelten die UN-Verwaltung
in eine Sisyphus-Mission, wollte man auf ihnen beharren. So die Forderung,
die noch etwa 100000 Angehörigen der serbischen Minderheit müßten
im Kosovo in Frieden leben und die Flüchtlinge zurückkehren
können. Bisher haben radikale Albaner durch Anschläge und Überfälle
dafür gesorgt, daß sich die Serben außerhalb des kompakt
von ihnen besiedelten Nordkosovo nicht sicher fühlen können.
Eine Wende zur Normalität ist nicht abzusehen. So stellt das Kosovo
einige europäische Gewißheiten in Frage. Die reichlich selbstzufriedene
Überzeugung zum Beispiel, daß sich automatisch alles zum Besseren
wende, wenn sich erst "die Staatengemeinschaft" eines Problems
annehme. Womöglich wird die Zeit kommen, da über derzeit offiziell
noch kategorisch ausgeschlossene Lösungsvorschläge des kosovarischen
Dilemmas nicht nur hinter verschlossenen Türen diskutiert werden
wird. Dazu gehört die - mit vielen Mängeln behaftete - Überlegung,
das Kosovo in ein - kleineres -, zu Serbien gehörendes Gebiet im
Norden und einen selbständigen albanischen Rest zu teilen. Diplomaten
und Politiker der Europäischen Union weisen diesen Vorschlag, der
aus Belgrad schon mehrmals kam, entschieden zurück: Zynisch sei eine
solche Idee und eine Bankrotterklärung europäischer Balkan-Politik
obendrein, sagen sie. Das stimmt, doch wäre es nicht die erste Bankrotterklärung
Europas auf dem Balkan - aber vielleicht die erste, die zum Frieden führte.
Micunovic kicks off campaign (Beta)
BELGRADE -- Monday - Dragoljub Micunovic today submitted his candidacy
for Serbian president, allaying any fears among the governing coalition
that he might be about to quit the race.
In a show of public unity, Micunovic handed over his application at the
Republic Election Commission flanked by the prime minister and a string
of cabinet ministers, including Deputy PM Miodrag Isakov who had been
tipped as a possible replacement.
Reports last week suggested the Democratic Centre leader was dissatisfied
with the behaviour of some of his coalition allies and was considering
quitting the election.
Declining to answer questions from journalists outside the Election Commission,
Micunovic shouted to them: "We'll win!"
A number of parties have announced they will boycott the ballot on November
16. They include the Democratic Party of Serbia and G17 Plus, led by the
two strongest contenders in last year's failed elections, Vojislav Kostunica
and Miroljub Labus.
Micunovic says he will run for president (B92)
BELGRADE -- Monday - Dragoljub Micunovic has confirmed he will stand as
the governing coalition's candidate for Serbian president, quashing rumors
that he was about to pull out.
The Democratic Centre leader told B92 he would submit his candidacy to
the Republic Election Commission with over 20,000 signatures of support.
Reports had suggested Micunovic was considering pulling out of the race
over concerns at the situation in the DOS coalition.
He insisted today that he would not have put himself forward if he had
not been confident of winning. The vote or Serbian president is scheduled
for November 16.
Tomic named as presidential candidate No. 4 (Beta)
BELGRADE -- Monday - Socialist People's Party member Dragan S. Tomic has
been accepted as a candidate for next month's Serbian presidential election.
The Socialist People's Party was formed after a faction of Slobodan Milosevic's
Socialist Party of Serbia split from the main party.
Tomic becomes the fourth candidate on the ballot paper, behind New Serbia
leader Velimir Ilic, Rural Party leader Marijan Risticevic and Radical
Party deputy leader Tomislav Nikolic.
They will be joined by the governing coalition's candidate, Dragoljub
Micunovic, who submitted his candidacy to the Republic Election Commission
at midday.
The Election Commission said today it had issued instructions to Serbia's
broadcast monitoring body, the Broadcast Council, regarding fair coverage
of the election campaign. The election will take place on November 16.
Ex-president to be buried alongside Bosnian Muslim fighters
Wednesday
By ALEXANDAR S. DRAGICEVIC
SARAJEVO, Bosnia-Herzegovina (AP) _ Former President Alija Izetbegovic
will be laid to rest Wednesday in a Sarajevo cemetery alongside Muslim
soldiers who died in Bosnia's 1992-95 war, officials announced Monday.
Izetbegovic, who led Bosnia's Muslims through the war for independence
from Yugoslavia, died Sunday in a Sarajevo hospital of heart failure.
He was 78.
The flag in front of the Bosnian presidency was lowered to half-mast and
a book for condolences was opened at the headquarters of the Muslim Party
for Democratic Action, which Izetbegovic founded and led for years.
Dragan Covic, chairman of Bosnia's multiethnic presidency, said Monday
that Izetbegovic's casket would be displayed in the hall of the presidency
on Wednesday to give citizens a chance to pay tribute.
Books of condolences also were opened in Bosnian embassies worldwide.
In accordance with his wishes, Izetbegovic will be laid to rest at Sarajevo's
Kovaci cemetery, where Bosnian Muslim soldiers who died during the war
are buried.
The low-key Izetbegovic was a father figure to many Muslims for a decade.
Initially, Izetbegovic won a reputation as a moderate by steering Bosnia-Herzegovina
on a neutral course as the feud between Serbia and Croatia tore the Yugoslav
federation apart in 1991.
But after the republics of Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia declared independence,
Izetbegovic finally supported the idea of an independent Bosnia.
That infuriated Bosnia's Serbs, one-third of the republic's people, who
wanted to remain within a Serb-dominated Yugoslavia. After Muslims and
Croats voted for independence on Feb. 29, 1992, Serb rebels _ led by then-President
Slobodan Milosevic _ began fighting for Bosnian territory.
The bloodshed engulfed Bosnia, pitting neighbor against neighbor in a
3{ year war that left 260,000 people dead or missing and 2.5 million refugees,
who fled or were evicted in ethnic purges.
The fighting ended after the United States led NATO to bomb Bosnian Serb
positions in 1995 and then brokered a peace agreement in Dayton, Ohio.
The deal conceived present-day Bosnia: an independent country divided
in two ethnic mini-states, a Serb republic and a Muslim-Croat federation,
run by a three-person collective presidency.
``President Izetbegovic will be remembered as a pivotal figure in the
history of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He played an essential part in preserving
the unity of this country,'' the U.S. Embassy said in a statement Monday.
Izetbegovic was credited with creating an independent country and not
allowing parts of it to join Serbia or Croatia _ something the Bosnian
Serbs have never forgiven him.
Covic, a Bosnian Croat, said Monday that there would be no national day
of mourning.
``We were not able to reach a consensus on it and it wouldn't make sense
to decide something that wouldn't be implemented in the whole country,''
said Covic, who chairs a three-member presidency consisting of a Serb,
a Muslim and a Croat.
Izetbegovic was the first Muslim representative in the new government,
stepping down in 2000 after a decade of leadership.
Late prime minister's bodyguard questions official version of events
By JOVANA GEC
BELGRADE, Serbia-Montenegro (AP) _ Seven months after Serbia's
reformist prime minister was assassinated, his chief bodyguard is questioning
the official version of events and suggesting there may have been a cover-up.
Milan Veruovic, Zoran Djindjic's chief of security wounded when a sniper
fatally shot Djindjic in March, claimed in an interview aired Monday on
B-92 radio that the investigation was inconclusive and flawed.
``I remember everything that happened that day very well,'' said Veruovic,
who has undergone surgery four times since the attack. ``But I am left
now with some major doubts.''
Police have said that an underworld clan linked to hard-liners in the
police forces was behind the attack on Djindjic. The prime minister, investigators
said, was killed by a member of a special police unit who fired two shots
from an open window.
A special prosecutor's office cracking down on organized crime has indicted
more than 40 people _ mostly suspected criminals but also some members
of the special police _ in connection with Djindjic's assassination. A
trial is expected later this year.
The authorities have said that the premier's assassination was part of
a wider plot to unseat Serbia's first democratic government since World
War II and bring back to power hard-liners loyal to former President Slobodan
Milosevic.
But months after the killing, some key suspects still remain at large,
including the alleged organizer, former paramilitary commander Milorad
Lukovic, and some of his aides. Other prominent suspects have been released
from prison to await trial.
Veruovic also questioned why investigators did not seriously consider
accounts offered by him and other bodyguards that three _ not two _ shots
were fired and that there may have been a second assassin whose bullet
actually killed the prime minister.
``I heard a muffled shot as we approached the door ... then he fell, then
there was another big bang and then I fell, and then one more bang,''
Veruovic said. ``We all agree that three shots were fired.''
A reconstruction of the attack was never done, ``and that is always a
first step in an investigation,'' Veruovic said. It took four months for
investigators to question him, he added.
Authorities did not immediately react Monday to the claims by Veruovic,
who also questioned how Djindjic's killers could have escaped a police
dragnet set up shortly after the assassination.
``I don't think it was a criminal gang'' that killed Djindjic, Veruovic
said. ``The motive was in his political work and his idea about Serbia.''
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