CONTENTS
FRENCH-ITALIAN LOBBY TO ORGANIZE
RUGOVA-KOSTUNICA MEETING
KOUCHNER: I WILL STAY IN KOSOVO ANOTHER TEN
YEARS IF NECESSARY
STILL TOO EARLY FOR CHANGES AT IAC
INDEPENDENT
MODERATE KOSOVAR ATTENDS DEBATE IN BELGRADE
CLASH BETWEEN KPC MEMBERS
AND RUSSIAN KFOR SOLDIERS
SURROI: A SUGGESTION FOR THE LDK
SHALA: A
GREAT STEP TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE
FRENCH-ITALIAN LOBBY TO ORGANIZE RUGOVA-KOSTUNICA MEETING
At the seat of the European Union on Tuesday for the first time there were comments on local election results in Kosovo, after they had previously expressed satisfaction and positive impressions for the maturity of Kosovo citizens in elections, reported Koha Ditore on page one.
According to the report, European diplomats do not hide the pleasure and relief for the victory of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), to whom they always refer as moderate in their speeches.
Doris Pack, chairperson of the delegation for southeastern Europe at the European Parliament, was quoted as saying, "Albanians have once again voted for Ibrahim Rugova, who was their president for ten years during the time of apartheid and now those who have won have the responsibility to organize peaceful interethnic life in Kosovo".
European diplomats, especially French and Italian, who have always preferred Rugova, are now forming a front to strengthen pressures upon Albanians for starting a dialogue with Belgrade. Of course, at the same time, Europeans are categorical in refuting the idea for an independent Kosovo, which they publicly say.
The main word regarding the aforementioned issue lies upon France, Italy and Greece, however the role of the third is not as important as the first two. The best proof to this is the statement following the Chirac - Putin meeting that they have agreed in almost all the points of agenda, including the situation in Kosovo.
On the same day, during the meeting between NATO Permanent Council and Russia held in Brussels, the Russians repeated their position against the independence of Kosovo and criticized Albanians and NATO for the violence against the Serb minority, while Russian diplomacy chief Ivanov opposed local elections calling them a step towards the recognition of the ethnic cleansing of Serbs.
In addition, the paper noted that a race seems to have taken place among European diplomats on who will be the first to initiate the meeting between Rugova and Kostunica. Rugova has stated that he would Kostunica in case Belgrade proves it is democratic, while Kostunica said Tuesday that he is willing to talk to the moderated leader of Albanians, Ibrahim Rugova.
Refusing to comment on information for the options of an independent Kosovo, an issue almost international papers wrote about the recent days, EU diplomats said: "this is a very unsuitable moment to talk about this, because by opening the dossiers of Kosovo's final status we would damage Kostunica's position in Belgrade". They also refute disagreements between them and Americans on the issue, adding that they are all committed to the full implementation of UN SC Resolution 1244.
Referring to statements of EU diplomats, the paper added that unlike Kostunica who has to work in strengthening his position, Ibrahim Rugova with the victory of his party has reconfirmed the position as leader of Kosovo Albanians. However, the elections have also reconfirmed Hashim Thaçi as the leader of a now-strong opposition maybe with a larger amount of freedom to criticize Rugova and those who will formally have authority.
The dominating comments in the European circles are that with the moderated Kostunica in Belgrade and the moderated Rugova in Kosovo, there are more chances to find a satisfying status for Kosovo, which would reportedly be something a bit less than independence.
A similar evaluation was made by The New York Times, respectively its journalist Steven Earlenger in his analysis. According to Earlenger, the European Union could find a condition to the meeting by a step of good will by Kostunica, such as the release of Albanian prisoners. Such a decision would enable Rugova to justify the start of talks with Belgrade, in front of his electorate and associates. Some sources of the paper say that the meeting could take place even before the Zagreb Summit, or at the summit since it will be difficult for Rugova to go to Belgrade, while on the other hand Kostunica's visit to Prishtina is not preferred even by the international community because it would present a strong hit to the process of decreasing tensions.
In closing, the paper said that it is still now known whether Rugova, Thaçi or some other Albanian leader would join Kouchner in his trip to Zagreb. This issue remains open and would be definitively clarified in the coming week when French Foreign Minister Huber Vedrine and EU senior official Javier Solana visit Zagreb. "However, pressure upon Rugova to start contacts with Belgrade have started," it was concluded.
KOUCHNER: I WILL STAY IN KOSOVO ANOTHER TEN YEARS IF NECESSARY
The voting of Kosovo citizens in 28 October elections, was the topic of discussion during the interview of UN Chief Administrator in Kosovo Bernard Kouchner to the French TV channel France 2, reported Bota Sot on page eleven.
Commenting on the non-participation of Kosovo Serbs in local elections, Kouchner put the blame on them, adding that they listened to the advises of the former Milosevician regime, which prevented them from registering and thus excluded them from elections.
Asked if the independence of Kosovo could follow after elections and changes in Belgrade, Kouchner was quoted as saying, "changes in Belgrade are surely welcome, first of all for the Serbs. I am not entitled to speak on the independence of Kosovo, but this is a secret of Albanians which has now been made public by all leaders and political leaders. Therefore, this is a political issue, if we want stability for the region".
Asked if he would stay in Kosovo for another ten years, Kouchner was reported to have said, "I think that the peaceful mission in Kosovo could go much faster than thought. I say this because international representatives and my team are satisfied and truly impressed with the behavior, dignity and the development of democratic processes among Albanians in Kosovo. If I am asked to do so, then why not I could stay in Kosovo".
STILL TOO EARLY FOR CHANGES AT IAC
Referring to its source within the international administration in Kosovo, Koha Ditore on page two said that for the time being UNMIK is not considering changes in the Interim Administrative Council, despite the first results of local elections.
"It is still too early for changes. We should wait for the final results of local elections. The constitution of municipal assemblies should take place first and only this we can start taking these issues into consideration," the source told the paper.
It was expected that the results of local elections would be used for new arrangements of the Joint Interim Administrative Structure - IAC, of administrative departments and the Kosovo Transitional Council. However, the source of the paper said that in 28 October elections Kosovo citizens voted for local and not central institutions, thus allowing the possibility for IAC to continue its work in the current formation.
Only Daan Everts, OSCE head of mission had
pre-announced in September that the local election results could reflect
on the arrangements for the interim administrative
bodies.
INDEPENDENT MODERATE KOSOVAR ATTENDS TRIBUNE
IN BELGRADE
Adem Demaçi, a long time prisoner and
former political representative of the Kosovo Liberation Army, went to
Belgrade on Tuesday, to take part in a tribune "Albanian - Serb relations,
today and tomorrow", during which he assessed that Kosovo is no longer a
crisis region, but the source of crisis is still Belgrade and that the
problems could be solved once Belgrade recognizes the freedom of the
Albanian people in Kosovo, reported Koha Ditore in page three.
Referring to Milosevic's ousting, Demaçi said that one man being removed from power is not enough to solve the problems. "Those who were with him have not left. He left behind a military-police apparatus, and what is worst he left a consciousness that is to blame for everything," he said.
Demaçi said that Serbs should not be deceived and
think that it is going to be easy for them after Ibrahim Rugova's party
won in local elections in Kosovo and added: "it will be easier for you to
deal with Demaçi than with Rugova, since Rugova can no longer make
concessions. He yield ground before, but now things have
changed".
Demaçi said that Belgrade should
recognize the freedom of Albanians because by doing so they would also be
defending the interests of Serbs living in Kosovo. He also proposed the
start of a dialogue between Albanians and Serbs, the recognition of local
elections in Kosovo as well as the new reality and the immediate release
of Albanians kept in Serbian prisons.
Furthermore, Demaçi was reported to have said, "many Serbs rely their hopes on resolution 1244, even though it can be interpreted in an ambivalent way. The world took us (Kosovo) as an experiment and no one really knows what is the status of Kosovo and no one knows what it will be in the end".
Commenting on the solution to the Albanian-Serb conflict, Demaçi said that it is not important who is the negotiator as long as there is the will of the people. "Serbia must understand that they should recognize the freedom of Albanians, so that the latest would not have to fight again for that and then problems could be solved within a short period of time. Every solution that excludes the independence of Kosovo will be suspicious and would cause problems and conflicts, therefore the will of the Albanian people should be respected," concluded Demaçi.
CLASH BETWEEN KPC MEMBERS AND RUSSIAN KFOR
SOLDIERS
Zëri on page eight
carried a report on an incident which took place near the village of
Burojë, at a KFOR Russian checkpoint between Russian soldiers and members
of the Kosovo Protection Corps.
Referring to the information office of KPC Zone One, the paper said that Russian soldiers stopped the commander of the Brigade 312 "Arben Haliti" Jetullah Geci and his associate Ramiz Haziri to step out of the car and controlled them. After having checked their personal documents, a Russian soldier reportedly told the two KPC officers: "What do you think, this was and will always be Serb land". Outraged from the words of the Russian soldier, Geci headed in his direction and that was when both sides pointed guns at each other. Fortunately, UNMIK police arrived at the site and prevented the incident from having a tragic epilogue.
In a press release addressed to KFOR and UNMIK, Jetullah Geci emphasized that that was the first time Russian troops at the Burojë checkpoint behaved arrogantly. "We are witnesses of harassment and arrogant and immoral behavior of Russian soldiers. They especially show their weaknesses on women passing by, by controlling them and making fun of them in the most cynical ways".
According to Geci, Russian soldiers are in no way
similar to an army; since they wear bandanas in their heads, do not wear
upper clothing, characteristics which cannot be noticed at other KFOR
peacekeepers. "They serve more as paramilitaries, they don’t deserve the
respect of the local population and should be removed as soon possible,"
said Geci in closing of his press release.
*****
Annex 1: Transcript of a commentary by paper's
publisher Veton Surroi, Koha Ditore, p.1 and 10
A SUGGESTION FOR THE LDK
Let us say there are ten lessons that were learned from these local elections. What would they be?
1. We have more force than we think
Yes, it is true that we are a traumatized people, yes it is true that in many things we have remained behind in comparison to others, and it is very true the elections included the same parties and personalities that presented themselves in the international political scene as individuals and parties that do not get along, but it is also true that Saturday elections were an example of well behavior for the entire Balkans. In none of the elections in the past ten years in southeastern Europe was there so much civil responsibility than in Kosovo. Not only in the order and the peace, but also with the patience to wait for their turn to cast the vote.
And in comparison to other elections, the same parties had never used a more civilized campaign. In Kosovo, unlike other Balkan countries, the language of hatred was not the language of our parties.
If we were able to hold such municipal elections, we can also hold central elections, and move with a faster pace towards self-administration.
2. The international community is an investment pays off
Such a level of peace and commitment to a true pre-election campaign would have not been possible without the military and civil presence of the international community. The rebuilding process of Kosovo institutions may be running late, and even with vacuums that cost us a lot, but this transition would be impossible if it was not for the help of the international community and its presence in Kosovo.
The days of the pre-election campaign, the election day itself and the atmosphere when all parties recognize elections results are developments within the political context and security created by KFOR and UNMIK.
3. Elections which were not municipal
Days before elections, lots of surveys showed that these elections were not municipal. Yes, they were to elect candidates for municipal assemblies, but the vote would be given for everything else except for the party that promised to build the sewer the sooner. If it is so then we have voted for the party leader and its programme. (After all, in many cases there were no programs of parties worthy of voting for).
This situation identifies the Kosovar political scene as a not a very rational scene, whereas the parties who won votes as populist movements with slight or no differences in programs.
Can someone today point out the difference between the LDK, PDK, AAK in the taxes field, for example?
4. Three categories of results
Three categories of parties derive from these elections: the victorious one (LDK), those that have (not) won (PDK, AAK, PSHDK) and those that lost.
Such a result, especially with a proportional system which was supposed to help small parties, brings a more crystallized situation in the Kosovar political scene.
The democratic legitimacy will bring automatic changes in relations between UNMIK and Kosovo parties (not all of them can be treated the same way).
But, as we said since there no differences in programs, the current crystallized situation should make these political entities to build their internal politics in accordance with reality.
The first result of municipal elections could be a stability of the political spectrum, with three-four actors, and not with twenty-seven or more as was the case until now. But Kosovo needs a future conservative party, a social democrat one, and one or more of the liberal-democratic center.
5. Arrogance (part one)
An important of the vote won by the LDK, was a vote against the situation of disorder in Kosovo ever since liberation, on 12 June. Crime, insecurity and lack of justice in the public image were attributed to the party deriving from the so-called Kosovo Interim Government, therefore PDK (and at some point the AAK). The overall context was forgotten, the one that insecurity and lack of justice could be individual and group behaviors, and that they are the fruit of lack of rule of law, which is in UNMIK's responsibility.
But the vote, with or without justification, against the PDK was in fact a vote against the behavior of what was considered as arrogance of young authorities. It was in fact, a vote against the arrogance of revolutionarity to win a stronger political and economic position through arms.
With a historical paradox, PDK activists were victims of arrogance. In the beginning of the 90s, when the LDK held the monopoly in the Kosovar political scene, the same activists of PDK had then started the clandestine armed movement, as an expression of frustration towards the monopolist politics which arrogantly had compiled the slogan "Who is against the LDK is a traitor".
5. Arrogance (part two)
A part of the voters, which were up to yesterday undefined, gave their support to the LDK as a sign of protest against the arrogance of the PDK. A vote for the known and against the unknown.
LDK won a part of the vote due to the arrogance of others.
From a once-monopoly, the LDK it turned into a victim, especially during the months after the end of war. During those months it was irrelevant whether LDK agreed on a certain issue, but whether the KLA agreed. Now we are on new ground.
Maybe, one of the lectures for the LDK is that the cycle of arrogance from its side would have a big political price.
6. Money wins votes
OK, democracy is open for everyone, but it has its own price. In these elections, the three parties that won most of the votes are the ones that were (and maybe still are) the richest.
Someone might say that these were the parties that the largest number of members, therefore they are the richest. Maybe. But as to my knowledge, most of them did not depend on the number of members, but on funds which did not have party names.
Lesson: The next campaign, the presidential elections, will have an even bigger price.
7. Serbs: Pro or against Kosovo?
Serbs made it through municipal elections by saying that they lack security and freedom of movement. Initially, I agree they lack the two. But they also principally put their arguments in a defenseless position, by participating in "federal" elections, even by giving a majority of their vote to Milosevic.
Now, they have another chance to prove an anti-Kosovar political line, if they insist to participate in Serbia elections, which someone is planning to organize in Kosovo.
This would a hard anti-Kosovar signal. They would be elections pro et contra Kosovo, not to this or that political party.
Lesson: Municipal elections for Kosovo Serbs should be organized as soon as possible.
Serbia elections should not be allowed in Kosovo.
8. Kosovo, my decision
The slogan "My municipality, my decision" should be completed with "Kosovo, my decision". New municipal administrations have very important duties on their level, but the parties that won these elections should bear in mind the establishment of a policy in a Kosovo-wide level.
The immediate challenge is the connection between elected municipal administrators and central appointed ones.
9. How to act once in power?
A suggestion for the LDK: The biggest opposition to this party is the party itself. The problems in our municipalities are so piled up, that there cannot be a very successful authority. By the end of mandate, there will be more unsatisfied people than there were voters yesterday.
10. How to act once in opposition?
A suggestion for the opposition: Their biggest opponents are they themselves. No mistake of the LDK could be so large and beneficiary for the opposition if it does not show authority-keeping abilities through new ideas.
*****
Annex 2: Transcript of a column by paper's
publisher Blerim Shala, Zëri, p.1
SHALA: A GREAT STEP TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE
Regardless of the fact that it was about local elections, it looks like the respecting of the democratic procedure by Kosovo citizens and political parties and the political maturity shown during the past two months pushed Kosovo for a great step towards democracy.
The reactions of the international press during the recent days, the statements of western leading officials, and the reaction of FRY president Vojislav Kostunica, show that local elections in Kosovo have noticeably improved the image of Kosovo and have provided a new quality to self-determination right of the Kosovar people. Kostunica, for example, clearly opposed local elections in Kosovo, whereas now his supporters are somehow trying to misuse the result of local elections, thus playing their last card of Serb leaders towards Kosovo: to try and cause eventual division among Kosovo politicians and political parties. Kostunica, in fact, contested the election democratic procedure that was so noticeable in Kosovo.
Serb politicians are surely the most disappointed
in the world with the success of local elections in Kosovo. This
disappointment seems to be realistic based on the presentation of western
media and governments, which fully supported elections in Kosovo. The
success of local elections in Kosovo only proves that the democratization
of Kosovo opens the door to the independence of Kosovo.