KOSOVO'S NAPOLEON IS TIRED

A commentary in Zeri, page 1.
At first sight, this man seems to be happy. He laughs often. Shakes and touches hands people's hands. Kisses children. When he visits a Kosovar family, you can notice his effort to become a part of the family as soon as possible. He does not hesitate to join Albanian traditional dances, which have become monotonous due to their presence everywhere. A good man - is the general impression.

We are talking about Kosovo Administrator Bernard Kouchner, who admitted during his last presentation in front of United Nations Security Council, that the work in Kosovo has exhausted him a lot. In other words, this was a pre-announcement of resignation. Kouchner would not be Kouchner if he would one day all of a sudden leave by presenting a letter of resignation to the United Nations Security Council. No! The UNMIK chief made a statement which can be read like this: despite of being exhausted, he is not going to turn his back on Kosovo until a successor to his post is found. A different step would be in opposition with the activity of the French doctor. However - even though the date of his departure - one thing is clear: Kouchner will not be in Pristina for a long time to come. At most six months.

You cannot help but make an assessment of Bernard Kouchner's work since his arrival in Kosovo in the beginning of June 1999 as the highest representative of the international community. What are the achievements of this man who can laugh but at the same time also publicly express emotions, pain, unlike other politicians (including Albanian politicians).

Europe's ambitions

When the representatives of 16 countries gathered at United Nations HQ in New York, to lay the foundations of the new administration in Kosovo, the issue of the head of UNMIK was immediately raised. The Brazilian diplomat Sergio De Mello had temporarily taken over the duty of the interim administrator of Kosovo. According to various surveys, De Mello was highly graded for a well-done job under very delicate circumstances during the first weeks after Kosovo's liberation.

At that time some countries wanted Sergio De Mello to keep the post of UNMIK chief. But, Europeans shared another opinion. After seeing that they could measure up the U.S. during the war, some ministers of western countries insisted on a European to take over the post of the new administrator. This insistance was somewhat reasonable, because the European Union gave the majority of financial support for the problems in Kosovo.

Through diplomatic channels, France had then proposed the Minister of Health, Bernard Kouchner. Great Britain, on the other hand, wanted to see Paddy Ashdown to sit on the "Pristina throne". Kofi Annan had mentioned even the name of the Dutch environmental minister Jan Pronk, whereas according to whispers coming from Rome the leadership of Kosovo could be entrusted to EU Commissioner for Humanitarian Issues, Emma Bonino. It was then clear, that regardless of who was appointed UNMIK Chief, the first deputy would an American.

In the end, Bernard Kouchner won the race. For the sake of truth, it must be said that Kosovar political circles and the population did not applaud the appointment of a Frenchman.

Whenever France is mentioned, Albanians have the impression that refers to the French - Serb alliance during World War One. But according to this unserious approach, the same could be said in Britain's case. In the beginning of the first decade of the past century, hundreds of British soldiers gave their lives in helping the Serbian army in their fight against the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In the end of the same century, London and Paris were again fighting together but this time not alongside but against the Serb politics of terror. Therefore, the concerns of Albanians took root in the past, while Europe's face had changed noticeably in comparison to the World War I era. From this point of view, Kouchner had clear advantages over the other candidates. First of all, his long experience in humanitarian work. In France, he is called a "militant", which can be translated as a man who tirelessly works and believes in his goal.

Against indifference

It all began in 1967, when the civil war in Biafra was taking hundreds of civilian lives. Kouchner, born in 1939, could not stand the indifference of then-humanitarian organizations towards poverty. Experiences in Biafra made Kouchner establish in 1971 the organization Medecins Sans Frontier, and he was its head until 1979. But he did not withdraw. In 1980 he founded the organization "Doctors of the World", and was its chairman for four years. The humanitarian engagement paid off. Last year, Medecins Sans Frontier was honored with the Nobel Peace Prize. "I was present in every war that took place during the last thirty years". As a doctor, Kouchner was in Lebanon, Chad, Sudan, Cambodia, Eritrea, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bosnia…

Kouchner was always in the first line of offering assistance, but also in raising the awareness of the public opinion. In the eyes of the critics, Kouchner is a man who won’t hesitate in undertaking any action or publicity to shake people in front of horror. He does not feel bad by taking a picture with refugees living in garbage. Or with a bag of rice in his back in the seaside of Somalia. Kouchner heard about these remarks and even before coming to Kosovo he stated: "Without the presence of the media, conflicts are forgotten, there are no financial means, and there is no stimulation for political acts".

However, he can show his irritation with public opinion by exposing his persona. Liberation provided an exact description of Kouchner as a man, humanitarian, and politician. "He can be charming, but also annoying, he is at the same time competent and non-calculative".

Three authorities without authority

Kosovo proved to be a destroying challenge for the passionate activist from France. When he came to Pristina, a big number of problems were waiting for him. First, he found three authorities: that of Hashim Thaçi built hastily, that of the Democratic League of Kosovo and the Bukoshi government, an alliance which for a long time had frozen relations but after NATO's deployment saw its chance by relying on "elections" held during the Serb presence; and the third authority, the Executive Council of Zoran Andjelkovic, seated in Pristina and protected by KFOR soldiers.

Alongside the unexplained political front, after NATO's deployment, Kosovo was a country destroyed by Serb forces. However, people started returning be it to half-burned down houses, in barns, in tents. Appeals by international organizations for slowing down the return of refugees were in vain. "My house is pulling me like a magnet," said an old man who had been living in a tent in Kukës as a refugee. While the issue of housing and existence was somewhat sorted out thanks to the Albanian gift for fascinating improvisation and people made it through the first winter without great difficulties, on the other hand, neither Kouchner could heal the wounds. News followed: a mass grave was discovered here; corpses and carbonized bodies have been found in another place. Another matter that preoccupied the Kosovar society since the end of the war was the fate of many prisoners (according to Serb data, another 800 are still in Serbian prisons) and over 3000 thousand missing persons lost without a trace. It is difficult to heal these wounds without making steps towards establishing justice. The escape of Serbs suspected for war crimes from Mitrovica Prison on 13 September was a slap in Kouchner's face.

Limits of freedom

But it would be unjust to blame the international administration for everything. Albanians, as an absolute majority, have great responsibility. Their wish to taste freedom and to express their feelings is understandable. Even the west showed understanding towards this in the beginning. But as all other things, even liberty has its limits. During the past 16 months, Albanians have ruined a lot their image as being caressed by the west. In fact, few are those in Kosovo who want to have laws of jungle, robbery, and to murder those who think differently. Kouchner, although not solely his fault, failed to establish law and order in Kosovo. Anarchy had already rooted itself, at a time when at the Security Council there were debates on who will send how many police officers under the UN protectorate. Even the effort of UNMIK's chief to join Kosovar political entities by creating the Kosovo Transitional Council faced difficulties and the Albanian typical grudge.

Kouchner's first disappointments came after Rugova and Thaçi did not attend the meetings of the council. One of them would come when the other was absent. During efforts to establish the basic pillars of UNMIK, on 24 July 1999 14 Serbs were murdered in the village of Graçkë. The western press immediately made accusations at Albanians, even though there was no reliable evidence proving that. And to this day, the case remains unexplained. UNMIK police arrested several persons, but later, due to lack of evidence, released them. Months later, PDK chairman Hashim Thaçi accused Kouchner of knowing the perpetrators of the Graçkë murder but that he did not publicize their names due to political reasons. At that time, the former leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army alluded that the Serb secret police was involved in the murder of the 14 Serbs. A reliable version, given the fact that Serb secret police are still active in Kosovo. Unfortunately, up to this day, Thaçi gave no further details from the information of that time. This would have been of utmost importance, because from that time on, Albanians were targeted by western journalists.

In the meantime, Kouchner was walking a thin line and trying to keep his balance. The biggest obstacle to build a functional authority in Kosovo was UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which was not clearly compiled in the meetings of the ministers of the contact group.

Obstacles caused by Resolution 1244 led Kouchner to making decisions which angered Albanians. In the first three months, Kouchner did not have the courage to make decisions that would note Kosovo’s wish for independence. During this time, the residents could welcome only one decision: the Duetche Mark announced as Kosovo’s official foreign currency. For this Kouchner will receive much criticsm from New York.

The society of the privileged  

Parallel with UNMIK’s slow pace in Kosovo, a number of classes were  established with great speed. Translators, who learned English by watching MTV and decorated with colorful ID cards, have been transformed overnight into a new privileged class. It was disrespectful to these peoples’ teachers that their pupils and students receive payments up to two thousand Deutch Marks while the ones who spent a century of working in universities and high schools had to be satisfied with a miserable three hundred. Maybe Kouchner was not able to stop these dynamics, but at least he minimized them

Six months after his arrival in Kosovo, the UNMIK chief declared that the intention to create a multiethnic society had failed. The UN even failed in creating an administration. UNMIK’s first goal was only to lead Kosovo’s municipalities. This was impossible for many reasons, firstly because of the UN’s lack of experience and then there were the obstacles made by the Albanians. The continuous anarchy that brought great winnings was convenient for the political mafia groups. Until now UNMIK could not manage to stop contraband fuel and cigarettes that are taking over Kosovo from Montenegro, Albania and Macedonia.

Kosovo is still divided into regions “controlled” by various “commanders” who after the war have not properly served the KLA or Kosovar society in general. Kouchner is very well informed on these disorders, he had and still has the strength to put an end to all this, but he is reluctant. Because to block the road to anarchy means to arrest another “superior figure” of Kosovo’s politic, which would escalate the situation but would not derail it. Better a harsh slap than a hundred caresses. To place order in Kosovo means to undertake harsh steps inside UNMIK corruption.

“Alcatel” as a failure

It was proved right away that for Kosovo’s administration the UN was powerless and it admitted this only six months later when, on December 1999,  they signed an agreement with the Albanians for common structures. On January 30, all parallel institutions were dissolved. With this case, the Albanian politicians have proven total disability to agree on the most fundamental things. All organs that were coherent from 1945 were eliminated in one day. Instead of undoing, it was supposed to occur to a wise man that at least Kosovo’s Council should not to be dissolved, but its activities suspended until the next meeting of Kosovo’s Council. The Prime ministers (Thaçi and Bukoshi) come and go, but the Parliament remains.

 During December, UNMIK chief upset Kosovo's Post and Telecom by deciding  to give French Alcatel the right to build a mobile network in Kosovo. A year later, we are all aware that this company has failed. The network is bad and prices are astronomical. Example: in Switzerland a country with the highest standards in the world talking a minute in a mobile costs 20 rap (around 25 phenings) however in Kosovo a mobile subscriber has to pay double or in some cases even more. For talking abroad the rates are ten times higher. Regarding the agreement with Alcatel there are rumors that someone at UNMIK was bribed. Let us remind you the 35 million dollar contract was awarded to Alcatel because they promised that they would build seven antennas in major towns in Kosovo and after a year, they would cover the whole of Kosovo. Today we know that Kouchner's decision was not good. Promises made were not even closely finished by the timetable. For the chaos to be even bigger, a "contribution" as always is given by Albanians. At post offices there are no chips, however on the streets you can get them as many as you want at an astronomical price. Where do these chips come from? Surely, it is not some magic: they come from the post offices off course. We are not going to hide behind the bush; this is called abuse of function closely related with corruption. In democratic countries, which Kosovo aspires to become, telecom mangers would have been fired or even jailed. In Kosovo, life goes on in a different pace.

A Voice heard very seldom

New Year stared for Kouchner with old problems. On 2 January, he complained that lack of funds was an obstacle for registering of the population for the coming local elections. Citizens still did not have personal or travel documents. Pristina and other Kosovar towns were buzzing from the deafening noise from generators. Electricity was a luxury. With nightfall fear from mafia and criminals came. Rumors started to circulate, sometimes true but mostly false concerning kidnapping of young women. Even though the dimension was not as big as shown by circles that were trying to destabilize Kosovo, there was an evident white slavery that came from Albania into Kosovo. In January, seven months after UNMIK was installed in Kosovo there were 1900 international and about 200 Kosovar police officers. A terribly small number for a place with so much crime. There was nothing left for Kouchner but to sent messages of indignation to world capitols. However, his voice was seldom heard.

The situation in Kosovo became even more tense after the February riots in Mitrovica. Instead of solving the problem, UNMIK, month after month, just ignored the problem. The dead were counted again. The international community and Kouchner were in opposition with the will of the Albanians for uniting Mitrovica. It looked that there was a hidden consensus that all Albanians should be punished for the irresponsible deeds done by a minority of their countrymen. In stopping these felonies, there was lack of bravery shown by Albanians as society.

Kouchner's lack of power to stabilize the situation in Mitrovica was more than evident. In fall of 1999, the French troops placed barbwire around the bridge over the River Ibër. By the end of March, the conflict escalated when French high military officials accused Kouchner of being anti-Serb and pro-Albanian. In Paris a French officer was arrested. He was pulled back from his post as counselor to main KFOR Headquarters in Pristina.  He was accused that he made public attacks carried out by French corpus against Kouchner. After his release the officer, M. Mechain, was prohibited to have any contact with the press and his female Albanian interpreter in Pristina. Instead of giving few words of explanation, Kouchner kept silent.

Failure at economy

Ont the first anniversary of the NATO bombings, Kosovo received very bad grades from the western press. Attacks, robberies, kidnappings, shootings, carrying of weapons, usurping of flats, arson, attempted murder, smuggling of cigarettes and fuel, illegal selling and buying of weapons, and illegal construction. This was definitely a negative final balance. Facing a lack of police things could have been worse. In March, the number of police officers still was not fulfilled yet. Courts were barely starting to function. The only court functioning was the one in Prizren in the German sector. Up until March 7, judges had convicted 45 persons and 150 were kept under arrest. "The fact that we have achieved this is mostly Germans merit," said then Ethem Rugova, Court President in Prizren.

The biggest UNMIK failure is seen in the economy. The number of big factories that started to function was so small that you could count them on one hand. From political calculations made by UNMIK, they still considered these industrial complexes Yugoslav property. A just solution was found only for the cement factory in Elez Han, and the taking over of the Zveçan smelter in August this yearcould be considered as a half success.

The building of the joint administrations did not go as planned. The UN mistake was that they appointed Kosovar politicians as co-heads of different departments. The lack of funds made these co-heads lost in anonymity. Even though they are co-heads, they literally have no competencies. Instead of a Kosovar having a say so, clerks from Nigeria or Norway have the last word. Perhaps for forming the  municipal administrations, professionals should have been hired.

Kouchner's biggest success during his career in Kosovo should be considered the 28 November elections. Problems with registration did not manage to upset the good ending. However, Kouchner made a mistake only a month before when he allowed the Serb minority to participate in the Yugoslav elections. Later he did not apply pressure to convince Serbs to participate in the local elections in Kosovo. After the changes in Belgrade, neither Kouchner nor the Albanians were capable of convincing the west that the lifting of sanctions should be conditioned with the release of Albanian prisoners. Now Kouchner has a big chance: he would give peace and stability in Kosovo a big service, if he stopped the 23 December Serb elections, and simultaneously gave a fixed date for general elections in Kosovo. Only if he does this, the final balance of the UNMIK chief could be called up to a point positive.  However, in Kouchner's biography Kosovo will not show as bright success.            
 
IF KOSOVO WAS IN DAYTON THE REGION WOULD NOT FACE A WAR

Koha Ditore carried on page ten PDK Chairman Hashim Thaçi's commentary regarding the Dayton Conference and its impact on Kosovo.

The Dayton Conference had an immense influence in political developments and cresting a new political atmosphere in the region. The Dayton Conference was a giant step towards finding a solution for the complicated Bosnian problem, however the conference and its nature was not the definite answer to the pilled up problems that derived from the disintegration of Yugoslavia.  Dayton marked the end of the war although that was not the end of the crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the end of status quo, the starting of the Kosovo conflict and continuation of other Balkan crises.
 
The international community made a diplomatic oversight when in 1995 at the Dayton Peace Conference Kosovo was not invited to show the most significant and complicated Balkan issue: the Kosovo issue, which without a just solution there could not be peace, stability and prosperity in the region.

In fact, it was a mistake of national and democratic political irresponsibility in the Albanian political structure that was in power at the time in creating the necessary circumstances so the international community would invite Kosovo to  Dayton.  

Not not laying down a solution for the Kosovo issue at this conference, which gave a chance to solving problems with a peaceful alternative, left open dilemmas that needed a quick and fair solution. The Kosovo crisis started to become more severe. Milosevic got braver. Instead of being sent to The Hague he became a partner with the west. Unfortunately, Kosovo was treated by the international community as a Serb internal problem. Belgrade restarted colonization in Kosovo with Serbs from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, police oppression rose and forced deportations from Kosovo continued in which period approximately 400,000 Albanians left Kosovo. Life in Kosovo became unbearable and desperate.

Serb discrimination in Kosovo became unbearable, the right to freedom and the right to national and democratic existence pushed the Albanians to organize in other ways, to form an armed resistance.     

For Albanians war was the only solution left, a necessary and urgent right. The KLA's objectives from the beginning were the liberation and democratization of Kosovo. Even though some circles for their own propaganda tried to mark the KLA as terrorists, fortunately the war in Kosovo and its high-civilized values were seen by the international community and especially by the USA.

Kosovo and Dayton

If Kosovo was represented in Dayton, Milosevic would have been ousted much sooner and Serbia would have become democratic much quicker. Pristina and Belgrade could commence talks with international mediation led by the USA for peaceful separation. With Kosovo's participation at Dayton the region would have been more peaceful and more democratic. Serb nationalism would not have such influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina, minorities in Serbia would not be discriminated and the regional political scene would not be dominated by a conflicting structure, but it would be led by political forces which were for cooperation; we would not have political prisoners, Albanian hostages in Serb jails. Serbia would not be isolated from the democratic world. If Kosovo participated at Dayton, there would positively be no war in Kosovo. There would not be thousands of dead, over 500 mass graves and an immense economic destruction. If Pristina participated in Dayton surely, Belgrade would not have been bombed by NATO, Kosovo and the international community would not have to face consequences of the war. This showed that a partial solution to the problems in the Balkan region is destined to failure.

Kosovo now

Albanians and other ethnic communities that participated in the first free and democratic elections in Kosovo showed high democratic maturity and gave a good example for the whole region. After the KLA's political-military victory with the aid of the international community, and especially the USA, Kosovo is gradually and successfully finishing first phase of forming pluralistic local institutions. However, Kosovo needs to consolidate to make legitimate and functional institutions within Kosovo's legislature, executive government and law.

Among the hardest processes was the facing of the old political thinking to the newly created realities.  This political mentality has to be changed because it holds the citizens with obligations and they do not see the politician as servant and protector of certain groups in the society. We are convinced that the new philosophy, which bases itself on respecting citizens, interests, their protection in all levels, and fighting of corruption and all other negative phenomenon would have our full support. This is the road we have to take, with citizens support we can exclude clichés, which stop Kosovo from going forward.

Kosovo's future    

Kosovo is going forward a democratic future, it is close to archiving an economic prosperity and harmony in society, which in reality we never had until now. For this we have to be proud and happy because international and US aid is present. However, Kosovo future as a democratic society with stabile institutions  is closely tied with its final status, which implies full independence from Serbia, as are now other entities derived from former Yugoslavia independence and sovereign  states. The international community is not showing interest and sensibility for the issue. Proof of this is the acknowledgment of FRY. This step made by the international community  essentially pales and makes more difficult the process of Kosovo's independence. It has to be noted that such an important political step with consequences for Kosovo was not taken accidentally right after local elections in Kosovo. 

Kosovo's final status, which cannot be anything, less then full and unconditional independence cannot be anyone's monopoly. On then other hand, internationals should be aware that any other solution would be a source of permanent regional crisis.

KOSOVARS REQUEST INDEPENDENCE, BUT KOSOVO IS A PART OF “FRY”

“The Kosovars request independence, but according to international law, Kosovo is a part of the FRY, stated French Foreign Minister Huber Vedrine during an interview for the French daily “La Liberacione”, reported Zëri on page three.

-The European Commission suggested ending the negotiations for admitting a            few countries at the nearby end of the year 2001. Is this possible? 

-To name the dates when the admittance talks will end would mean that you are joking with the world. This happened once, with Greece. The negotiations must seriously continue with each and every country until they end. All problems must be taken care of. The European Union is ready to wait for the new members and get engaged for this to happen at the beginning of the year 2003.

-Does the pre-announcement of the dates create disillusions?

-Of course. The dates promised in the past have always shown themselves as absurd. If the expanding process were suffering from a lack, then it would be demagogy. It is a more honorable and much more respected thing to say that the public of the candidate countries are not capable to deport into Europe, and that this is a very complicated system for which we should be prepared. The expansion must be successful for our own interests, we have built the union for forty years and we do not have to put it in danger. But it is also in the interest of the countries that want to become members.

-Did Milosevic’s downfall make possible the future admittance of former Yugoslavia?

-Since last June, in the Summit of Fiery, we have declared that the countries that are in the associating and stability process are powerful candidates. But this in not a present issue. Now it is necessary to place the point in the regional cooperation in the south of Europe. On November 10, I have been to Zagreb to explain that these countries approach to the European Union is not contradictive; it is essential. We are not saying that we will build a new Yugoslavia but we will make their modernization easier.

-Do they need to be helped financially?

Not only financially. The European Union is not considered a regional development bank. We must interrupt this and explain that fascinating aid ciphers do not exist, and crises of any kind cannot be solved with promises. Europe has a political opinion, with virtues. We must broadcast ideas and know what to do in order to help. For example, in building a city of rights, to develop a social politic, etc. to waste money in an unprepared environment means to take the risk of throwing money against ourselves.  What is Zagreb’s aim? At the beginning, Zagreb aimed to send an encouraging democratic message for the Serb opposition. Now, Zagreb has to be a Summit of democratic solutions and of coming closer with Europe. If we want the countries of the regions to finally get out of seclusion and historic paranoia, the time is now.

-Does the danger exist that 200,000 casualties during the Yugoslav conflict remain missing and might be used for profits?

-These countries will have to build politically and humanely their after war being. This means that they have to build new relations between each other. This is similar to what the German and French are doing. We can encourage them, but no one can do their work, the people themselves must do this.

-How do you see Kosovo and Montenegro’s future?

We must enforce the decisions that are not mature enough and we block all possible evolutions. Kosovars request independence, but the International Law confirms FRY’s sovereignty that Montenegro is a part of FRY.  The new president, Kostunica has made declarations, which say that he is ready to discuss on a new institutional scheme. But we must wait a little; he must be consolidated and must make suggestions. It is in no one’s interest, us forcing someone in making a decision, this would block everything. A dynamics is now on, the mentalities will evolve and the problems that seem impossible today will find a solution. 

KOUCHNER REPRESENTS KOSOVO IN ZAGREB MEETING

“Kosovo’s issue is not in the agenda of this Summit. Kosovo’s issue will not be addressed directly”, stated Michelle Tarron from the French Office in Pristina, reported Zëri on page three.

That the Zagreb Summit must see to a new system of regional cooperation in southeastern Europe and not to requesting the creation of “a new Yugoslavia” is the standpoint of French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine, whose country leads the presidency of the European Union and organizes the Zagreb Summit.

Kosovo’s representation at this Summit has raised interest and contradictions at the same time, firstly because the Albanian political leaders were not invited and secondly concerning Kosovo’s representation in it.

UNMIK in Pristina says that the UN Administrator in Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner, will represent Kosovo and Kouchner’s speech, with almost the same points as his speech at the Security Council in New York, is now being prepared. However, the French Office in Pristina says that Kouchner will not represent Kosovo, but is invited as special representative of UN Secretary General, just like Petric who is the special representative of UN Secretary General in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Tarron said that Kosovo was not invited in the Zagreb Summit, because it is not an independent state, it is under the international administration of Security Council 1244 Resolution. “Kouchner does not have the mandate to be Kosovo’s representative”, stated Tarron adding that his presence in the Summit cannot be compared to the invited presidents’ or ministers’ presence. Once more she noted that Kosovo’s final status is not the day’s issue, and the time for it has not come yet. The cooperation between the countries of the region will be discussed in Zagreb, in the meantime these countries have aspirations to cooperate with Europe.