DPI

CONTENTS:

KOSTUNICA INTERVIEW
RAMUSH HARADINAJ REVEALS THE TRUTH BEHIND ELECTIONS
MY FREEDOM IS NOT KOSTUNICA'S GIFT IT WAS BROUGHT BY PRESSURE
REXHEP QOSJA RESIGNS FROM IAC
KOUCHNER MUST REMAIN
WAS FRANCE PLANNING ADDITIONAL SERVICE FOR KOSTUNICA

KOSTUNICA INTERVIEW

Koha Ditore ran on page 1 an interview with FRY President Vojslav.

Mr. Kostunica, you spoke of the events in Kosovo in 1997, 1998, and 1999, only in terms of missing Serbs. You never talked about Serb crimes in Kosovo. Can you talk about crimes committed by Serb police, the destruction of entire villages, about the exodus of an entire nation and all this in your presence with a weapon in your hands?

Yes. There were crimes on both sides. As to my knowledge, there were no crimes committed by regular formations, let alone the Yugoslav Army. There were crimes. There was undoubtedly an exodus of an entire nation, which I feel sorry about, whereas that exodus eased the work of NATO bombing. I think that exodus started at the same time as the NATO bombing. In a way everyone was in war with each other. These facts should by all means be taken into consideration. I feel sorry, but I must say that a large number of Kosovar Albanians have returned to Kosovo. By my assessment, a larger number of those who fled have now returned. A part of Albanians from Albania and Macedonia have returned to Kosovo. Serbs have not returned. 300,000 Serbs have fled Kosovo and they have not returned. One third of them have remained and those are facts. While there were undoubtedly crimes and paramilitary formations, let us not forget that neither Serbs nor Albanians had presents falling down from the sky, from NATO airplanes. They have also left behind a number of victims, by violating international human rights. You know that coloumns of Albanians refugees were bombed thinking that they were formations of the Yugoslav Army. There were other similar cases and I think this is something we have to face. No one escapes from responsibility. No one can escape from what was the real situation in Kosovo.

Those families could forgive NATO planes, but they were not willing to forgive the Serb police and the Yugoslav Army.

Well look, I cannot understand that kind of opinion. I must repeat once again. My deepest knowledge says that the Yugoslav Army was not involved in those crimes. I can say I tried to gather information regarding this issue. We had a conflict which was enforced with NATO bombing. I think that decision was a mistake, and that everyone made a mistake.

By not solving that issue for years, Milosevic also feels responsible for the repression against Kosovar Albanians, and against Kosovo in general. Through the Rambouillet Conference and then NATO bombing, the international community could have oriented the flow of events in another direction. I will once again ask a rhetorical question. If it was not for Rambouillet and NATO bombing, something Milosevic and Holbrooke agreed on in October 1998, the verification of Kosovars, would have continued and I trust, I believe there would have been less victims. The current situation is one in which a number of Kosovar Albanians are endangered by Albanians extremists. I think that we are not hiding the fact that such a fear exists, and it was even written about. I think that all of this could have been avoided by enforcing the Verification Mission in Kosovo. There were murders and crimes even at that time, but things were under control. However, after this things got out of control.

Let me return to one of your questions asked earlier, the well-known issue of myself being photographed with an AK-47 in my hands. I am no expert in weapons. It is about a visit of mine in the municipality of Zubin Potok in 1998, a time when Serbs were also in danger. There were people then called village guards.

I was paying a visit to that village and the residents simply gave me a machinegun. I would have thrown the gun away but it would have insulted them. Crimes could have been committed in various ways. Simply, by signing a letter, by making a decision to start the bombing of a state, to destroy its infrastructure, etc. let us consider these things as well. Let us look at the burden of that signature which Javier Solana, with or without his will, put at the moment. The decision which according to me created misfortune for both Serbs and Albanians.

Mr. Kostunica, for two months now you have the new post of the Yugoslav President, which is not recognized by Montenegro, and on the other hand you have so much problems with Kosovo. From this position, which is the difference between yours and Milosevic's position towards Kosovo?

I will immediately tell you something about the recognition and the opposite of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. At this moment, the whole world has started recognizing the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. This return of FRY implies the recognition and admittance of a state and government that were elected democratically in the September elections. And this recognition comes from the international community, the democratic world in a surprising way. I must say that I am surprised with the fast admittance of our state and representatives, and especially myself as FRY President. When I say this, then I refer to the admittance of our country in some organizations members of which are not and that we surely wanted to become, undoubtedly the most powerful and important family of European democratic countries.

It is a fact that there might be contests regarding the admittance of the democratically-elected government in Yugoslavia. To be concrete, it is about the stance of the Montenegrin president Milo Djukanovic. However, this does mean anything compared to our admittance by the world.

I would say that Mr. Djukanovic is somewhat autistic or semi-autistic and is at the same position as Milosevic a couple of years ago. He is doing something that the entire world is seeing. The entire world also sees something that Djukanovic fails to do. Whereas, the return to international institutions and the issue of Kosovo's status and establishing a dialogue regarding Kosovo's status is of utmost importance to us. And we should start from the fact that someone unrecognized by the world does not lead the Belgrade government. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is no longer a state excluded from the world, but recognized, and that to me is a very encouraging fact.

You are considered a nationalist in both Montenegro and Kosovo. Therefore, you are often compared to Milosevic. Which is the difference between your politics [of your government] and the previous one led by Milosevic?

The same way you are undoubtedly a nationalist who cares for the interest of his people, I am a nationalist who cares for the interests of the Serb people. My nationalism is legitimate. If we were under different circumstances, if we were living in a different country, if all that happened due to the responsibility of all of us had not happened, people would care less for my nationalism, because my nationalism is no different from that of people living in Switzerland, or let us say in a peaceful and calm country.

Where is the difference between yourself and Milosevic regarding Kosovo, you did not respond to this question?

Let me say immediately that there is a huge difference. I am engaged in a dialogue between representatives of all communities, therefore also with representatives of Albanian parties, with different political orientations. First of all, dialogue is what is dominating in this moment for Kosovo when it comes to the stances of Kosovar Albanians. On the other hand, for eight years I have repeated that the difficult Kosovar issue and the relations between Albanians and Serbs that were undoubtedly difficult even before Milosevic, should by all means be solved.

You mentioned the UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and said that you will respect the resolution and Kosovars should respect it. If Montenegro secedes what is the point of UN Security Council Resolution 1244.

If Montenegro becomes independent which I doubt. As I said before, I defend the rights of every individual to express his thoughts, I have defended those that did not think as I did: Adem Demaçi, Franjo Tudman, Alia Izetbegovic when they were persecuted for their political beliefs, moreover I will defend the people's will in Montenegro whatever they decide in a democratic organized referendum.

You respect UN Security Council Resolution 1244. However, if Montenegro becomes independent then there is no point for this resolution anymore. Yugoslavia would cease to exist and Kosovo will go towards definite independence.

Naturally, you wish that Montenegro leave and it would open the Kosovo issue. I firstly say that I will respect a democratic procedure. I doubt that the majority of Montenegrins are for a separate state, which would bring us before a new problem. Let us assume, if only hypothetically, that this happens. If obligations towards UN Security Council Resolution 1244 concerning territorial integrity would remain with Serbia. Then naturally the issue of borders could be discussed. Because these obligations are within the FRY which would be represented by Serbia. However, I doubt that something like this will happen.

We arrived to the essential issue - the Albanian-Serb dialogue. You cannot find a single Albanian that would agree to any kind of federacy or confederacy with Serbia. How to find an Albanian that would commence talks with you for the so-called confederacy.

Well, we will discuss just as well we are talking right now at this very moment. The are no closed issues for me, however concerning talks for Kosovo we have to respect norms that have been reinstated within a sovereign state. FRY's sovereignty is formal and on the other hand the sovereignty of the international community and first of the UN is very big. These are some of the aspects that our dialogue would cover. These would not be only Serb-Albanian talks, they would also be talks with the international community.

RAMUSH HARADINAJ REVEALS THE TRUTH BEHIND ELECTIONS

AAK Chairman Ramush Haradinaj gives a detailed analysis of local elections in Kosovo, LDK's victory and the not so satisfying results of his party, carried on page five of Koha Ditore.

AAK Chairman Ramush Haradinaj said that the time span that his party had was not efficient enough and as a consequence it reflected in the small percentage of vote won at the local elections. He thinks at the elections the overall results came from people being influenced to give their trust to one party.

"For a long time we had a one party state, then LDK had a monopoly, and when other political opinions arrived, they rose by being totally different not by their future political plans but by differences of the past situations," said Haradinaj three weeks after the elections. According to him these factors influenced voters in choosing one of the two opposing fractions, however he thinks that this was the best way for Kosovars in creating a political opinion, "instead of having a force that opposes the past we have a force that built everything for the future".

The leader of the most controversial alliance in Kosovo says that that the low number of votes that the Alliance received surprised him. However, he thinks that everything belongs to the continuing process of transformation. "I consider that this is a process. In comparison with other political developments this is a very intensive process," said Haradinaj.

He does not want the people of Kosovo to consider this process damaging or everlasting. Citizens have to consider this process as part of the every day reality, which can be transformed, of course if there is possibility and clear existing reasons for these transformations.

"People were ready to vote for a change"

Be that as it may, the percentage of votes that the LDK won has determined the winning political party, which has been active for the last ten years, and Kosovars were limited towards changes. Does this mean that Kosovars were not ready to vote differently? "I believe that people were ready for changes. However these changes were not clearly expressed," said Haradinaj. He said that changes, which Kosovars should support, should not look back to the past but aspire for the future.

"If we admit that we have in front of ourselves a project for creating the state of Kosovo them I am confident that people of Kosovo will support political forces that will be productive in this project," said Haradinaj.

According to Haradinaj, the people who waged the war have characterized most of the developments after the war.

"It can be said that post war developments could have influenced political parties. Maybe partially those who have gained or misused their positions. I do not think that we have profited from the war. The Alliance has the least corrupted members from all political parties," said Haradinaj. What contributed to LDK's victory? Haradinaj mentions the incapability of the post war created institutions and the people's trust to the force they believed in before the war. "The Kosovo Interim Government (KIG) that derived from KLA could not guarantee to the ordinary citizen minimal standards for life, reflected very badly among the people. The LDK's victory was based on people's trust gained before the war and funds that were gathered much earlier in the name of Kosovo's government," added Haradinaj.

Haradinaj thinks that LDK, which has won most of municipalities in Kosovo, does not have the staff to run all the municipalities. "There will be a setback in the over all development of our municipalities." Haradinaj suggests that the Alliance will not come close to one or the other political force in Kosovo. "Our presence will be to eliminate difficulties in every day life. We are ready to support every positive initiative from whichever political party in Kosovo," and added, "We will not give support to one single party".

The AAK Chairman requested an official meeting with LDK Chairman Dr. Ibrahim Rugova. However, the meeting with the PDK was not very delightful. "I requested a meeting convinced that it would bring some good to Kosovars. However, I did not get a positive response. Naturally, we will not insist forever to a meeting. I think that time will come when everyone will realize which is the most reliable road for our aspirations," said Haradinaj.

Legitimacy of the past and AAK in the IAC

Before 28 October Kosovar and international analysts evaluated that first free elections in Kosovo will give legitimacy to the past respectively KLA's war or the politics of peaceful resistance led by LDK. Haradinaj opposes analysts' theories. "LDK did not have the position of a political party that did damage. It was a movement that we were all part of and contributed to it," said Haradinaj and added that vote for LDK does not mean that people of Kosovo do not recognize the war. "All the people of Kosovo accept the war and they evaluated it very highly. They did not vote against the war, because every one knows it brought us freedom. Support by international factor gave am end to this war," said Haradinaj.

"Political structure within our people that want to make divisions will realize very soon that it is not biggest wealth to praise or criticize the past war. The biggest wealth is to look ahead the future which we are making," added Haradinaj.

The night election results were declared UN Chief Administrator Bernard Kouchner said that the structure at the IAC and KTC will change. According to the results AAK is the third leading political party and will take the place of LBD respectively, he will replace at the IAC Rexhep Qosja, who on Tuesday resigned from the post.

"We as ordinary Kosovo citizens knew very little about the details surrounding the IAC. I do not know what are the obstacles. However, our reality is that we have to start moving. It is better to work then remain only in big empty phrases," suggests Haradinaj.

Discussing IAC issues Haradinaj asks: "Why does not one of our political leaders think license plates for our cars are obligatory for all….why does not he engage himself in making possible for all of us to have driving licenses," and as during the whole electoral campaign he mentioned the issue of identification cards, driving licenses, license plates "with which we could go at least to Macedonia" concluded Haradinaj.

MY FREEDOM IS NOT KOSTUNICA'S GIFT IT WAS BROUGHT BY PRESSURE

Flora Brovina addressed European Parliament on the issue of Albanian prisoners held in Serbian jails carried Koha Ditore on page four.

How much are EU Parliamentarians worried about the fate of the Albanian prisoners that are being held in Serbian jails tells the fact that a very small number of parliamentarians were present during Flora Brovina's address.

Doris Pack Chairwoman of the Parliamentarian Commission for Southeast Europe invited Flora Brovina to the EU Parliament. She first told the EU Parliamentarians of her sufferings and those of other imprisoned Albanians during their captivity in Serbian jails.

She criticized the international community for their mistakes concerning the Albanian prisoners. According to Mrs. Brovina, the international community made two crucial mistakes - first was that the fate of Albanian prisoners was not solved at the Kumanovo Military Technical Agreement and the second that aid to Serbia was not conditioned with the release of Albanian prisoners. She added that her release was accomplished by pressure applied by the international community and it was not Vojislav Kostunica's gift.

Deputy Doris Pack said that international community would continue to apply pressure on the new Belgrade government for the release of the Albanian prisoners and pre-announced that by the end of this year a resolution would be formed where the release of the prisoners would be demanded.

REXHEP QOSJA RESIGNS FROM IAC

Koha Ditore on page three carried a report on LBD Chairman Rexhep Qosja resigning from IAC due to local elections, where his party won less than one percent of the votes.

“I have resigned as an individual, the others will continue their work”, stated Qosja, adding that the co leaders of the administration departments will continue their work based on the 15th December agreement and the general elections will stir these structures. LBD secretary in IAC distributed a written declaration to the journalists where Qosja announces and explains his resignation. The declaration was dated 31.10.2000.

“An immoral deed due to election results must be interpreted only as such. IAC thanks Rexhep Qosja for his work”, stated Arsim Bajrami.

KOUCHNER MUST STAY

Koha Ditore on page 10 published a half-page commentary by Veton Surroi, the paper's publisher, titled "Kouchner Must Stay," in which he noted that the UN Administrator, who did not always have the support of the Kosovars, should have it now from local political representatives: He is needed for another stage in constructing Kosovo, wrote Koha Ditore in an editorial on page ten.

The editorial is published in numbered sections:

1. The eyes of Jamaican and Mali representatives are wide open, the Russian representative’s face blushes; the Ukrainian one takes notes while Kouchner continues his speech: 'You must not forget who was the first victim a year and a half ago: They were Albanians.' These words characterize the present stage of the international front on which Kouchner works. More than anything else he must rely on his political instinct and his great capacity for energy in order to insist on what he wants. The foreign critics mention his mistakes: he was not capable of defending Serbs and other minorities; Albanians murder even Ashkalis; there is still no system of justice. But they cannot have the strength to deny his achievements: a society that only 16 months after a terrifying war manages to hold municipal elections at an envious level. A guerilla movement raised against Serbia participates in different forms of society. A political spectrum (the Kosovars), which is capable of creating more presidents and governments than any other (i.e. the parallel institutions which ran Kosovar society during the past decade), not only creates temporary institutions of self-governance, but also responsibility and sincerity in its first pre electoral campaign and seriousness and responsibility in the period after the elections.

2. The speculations about Kouchner’s successor started last June. It was then said that he was preparing for Sadako Ogata’s post in UNHCR, and Kouchner did not hide this. While speculations regarding the candidates were ongoing, there were local elections in Kosovo and at the same time, the job was given to the former Dutch Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers.

The game of the successors was always paradoxical On the one hand, there was always an entertaining element, just like reading in the papers who will be coach of the greatest football team. On the other hand, this showed the seriousness of the post: whoever is appointed can become king, president, prime minister and the Kosovo parliament at the same time. UNMIK’s chief has the competence of a sovereign, yes but one who depends on international economic aid and political support. Kouchner understood this, but while he gained internal strength inside Kosovo, he was losing the support of foreign governments. Suddenly Kosovo was no longer attractive when it came to the necessary aid nor as a center of political attention.

3. The speculations concerning Kouchner’s successor, initiated first regarding his post at UNHCR, then with the launching of names of other candidates for the post--, drew attention away from two main things.

First, Kouchner arrived at the stage where his presence is more than natural and his knowledge of Kosovo problems is greater than most political leaders’.

Second, Kosovo’s next challenge is not how to find a new administrator but how to go from local self-administration into general self-administration, the main aspect of UN Resolution 1244. This stage should also include the task of incorporating the Serbs in making political decisions for Kosovo.

This would put the UNMIK administrator in the position of a president/king of a European state, and the supervisor of democracy and its institutions. It would define UNMIK as a body that supervises the Kosovar government and the implementation of its accordance with international democratic virtues, rather than a governing (co-governing) institution, as it is now.

All of this will happen in critical moments when the pressure of defining Kosovo’s status is rising, as is the pressure to redefine the relationship between Serbia and Montenegro.

Is there a person in the international arena who can cope with all these tasks? Yes, there is, we have one in the role of the UN administrator in Kosovo.

4. I know it is hard for Kouchner to remain in Kosovo until the Parliamentary elections are held. This would mean two years away from his home and family, in an unaesthetic environment. This would mean keeping a post when many people, including those in his own government, have turned their backs on him because Kosovo is not as interesting as it was a year ago. And it would mean staying in a place where people do not express themselves openly, maybe because it is not their tradition, on whether they want him to stay in Kosovo longer. Whether respectively, they value his work or not?

If my intuition does not fool me, the people consider Kouchner as a “home boy”. At this pace, Kosovo can turn into a “success story”.

Maybe the time has come for this “home boy” to hear the voices of our political representatives say that he is needed for another new stage of constructing Kosovo.