CONTENTS

PADDY ASHDOWN TO BE OFFERED POST OF UNMIK CHIEF
1103 ALBANIANS WITH CRIMINAL BACKGROUND DEPORTED FROM WEST
KOSOVO SHOULD NOT VOTE FOR PRIMITIVE DEMOCRACY
EPOKA E RE CLAIMS TO HAVE A CCIU DOCUMENT
SHALA: SEPARATE PROMISES AND GENERAL ISSUES
KANDIC: OUR UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN SERBIA

PADDY ASHDOWN TO BE OFFERED POST OF UNMIK CHIEF

Referring to an article published in "The Sunday Telegraph", Koha Ditore on page three reported that Paddy Ashdown is poised to become international chief administrator of Kosovo. According to the report, the appointment was made by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, but the candidate must be acceptable to the five members of the UN Security Council, including Russia and China who opposed NATO-led bombing campaign of last year.

Bernard Kouchner, the current SRSG for Kosovo, reportedly said last week that he expects Ashdown to replace him come the beginning of next year. Ashdown was initially backed for the post by Tony Blair and Bill Clinton, but he was beaten by Kouchner, the founder of the organization "Medecins Sans Frontieres", because Ashdown was thought to have a low international profile and the role of Great Britain during the bombing campaign counted against him.

Nevertheless, it is being said that Ashdown has managed to convince European and world leaders that he has the expertise to do the job. Even though, he denied the speculation for the top UN job in Kosovo as "rubbish", Ashdown reportedly told a colleague that he would reluctantly take  the job if it was offered to him. 

1103 ALBANIANS WITH CRIMINAL BACKGROUNDS DEPORTED FROM WEST

Zëri carried on page one a report on Albanians deported to Kosovo who have criminal records in the west. Now in Kosovo, their dossiers are not available.

It is known that some of the deported Albanians have criminal records and now they are back in Kosovo, and the only official documents that they brought with them is a piece of paper saying that the person was deported because of a "criminal past" without clarification of what criminal cats the deportee committed.

"We do not receive a dossier on what happened or what the individual did, only indications that a certain person has a criminal past", said an UNMIK police for Zëri. According to police information, out of 4415 deportees from Germany, 952 had a "criminal past". In the overall list of deported with "criminal pasts," Switzerland returned 131, Sweden 11, Austria 5, Norway 2, Great Britain 1 and Holland 1.

UNMIK police said these persons "get special attention from UNMIK police", only if they have committed a hideous crime or if police identifies them as possible terrorists. UNMIK police does not persecute these deportees with "criminal pastss" after they arrived in Kosovo. "We do not have the right for surveillance", said then member of the UNMIK police. "You need your own efficient police: this would be the answer".

Zeri's source found that only border police register these deportees and that they do not have the right to give this information to anyone else. When someone with a "criminal past" arrives at the airport he is photographed and fingerprinted. "We can not imprison them for something they did in another country", and we do not have a computer system to register these person when they arrive. 
 
KOSOVO SHOULD NOT VOTE FOR A "PRIMITIVE DEMOCRACY"

Koha Ditore on pages one and six carried a commentary by editor-in-chief Baton Haxhiu and Bardh Rugova on the upcoming local elections in Kosovo. They wrote:

"The fiinal countdown arrived at six. However, the electoral race proved that political parties' aspirations during the electoral race for the first free and democratic Kosovo municipal elections were not their first agenda. Electoral language does not contain the everyday problems which a municipal government would be facing one day, but are concerned with other "bigger" issues. Parties discuss political inertia, or their merits during the war. However they never offer the voters a good reason why they should vote for them on 28 October. Most important during this time is the KLA-ism of the electoral race.
  
No more than a year ago, meaning during the war and after, it was almost impossible for the LDK to even mention the war or the KLA. If the KLA was mentioned, the bad part of this KLA-ism is that fallen heroes were divided into party membership and not according to their merits in the Kosovo war. It is clear that this political battle is not only a battle for municipal government: It is a battle for legitimacy and support, and it represents preparations for general elections and membership in the IAC, which is expected to be changed after the elections. It is also a battle to reserve a place besides the international presence, which in the future will eliminate a big part of the political factor, which was imposed as an emergency right after the war.

Favorites and outsiders are already known in most municipalities, but no one is a favorite or an outsider in the illusion that they will change their municipality for the better.  Nevertheless, it could not be different, considering these first free and democratic elections in Kosovo. Neither voters nor politicians have achieved a stage where they realize that elections are a chance to have an influence their living conditions. Therefore, this time votes will have to do nothing with the municipality. This political battle will be fought for the votes for the political leaders and not the candidates who were placed on these lists at a moment's notice.

Everyone expected that the main battle would be fought between PDK and LDK. Only a few observed that the political battle would be focused between former KLA members. Because all of the KLA's potential was thought to be opposite the LDK which was passive during the war in Kosovo. This is the reason why in Kosovo's scene there are not only two political blocks in an opposing mood against each other. This made the political tensions fall, and the electoral battle to concentrate on legitimacy, introduce, and meet the electorate.

After the elections, tension in Kosovo's political scene could rise because of future combinations (political coalitions). These leave space for tensions in several municipalities in Kosovo because election results will not be concentrated on two parties only. History of Albanian political factions in Kosovo is well known and it would be a burden for the reader if repeated.  It has to be said that an optimistic fact has come to Kosovo's political scene is that de-politicized and lowering of tensions as result of Kosovo's uncertain future and failure to define Kosovo's status. Political competition continues and that is beneficial for Kosovo's politics. Kosovar political leaders are reserved and they used elements that do not cause tensions to rise, while they display minimal respect for each other. This is after war brought to  Kosovo changes in the political plan and line up. This political tension, which is believed, will not be easy and will bring about four interest zones.

The first zone will be Pristina because political and economic interests will be joined. Second zone will be Peja and Deçani. There LDK will face AAK and PDK. The third zone will be Ferizaj where LDK will face PDK. This is the most interesting zone because there is no third party to balance the run up for government. For we who followed the elections race, we feel that Ferizaj will be the most dangerous zone with the biggest possibilities for confrontations. The fourth zone will be Skenderaj where we have hostilities carried over from the war and the most weapons on both sides. Here is LDK's transparency and their clear aggressiveness.  For the rest of Kosovo there will be no real political battle with stressed consequences. There will be no tensions and everything will happen peacefully.
     
In today’s edition Epoka e Re followed up its allegations against the LDK about their involvement in denunciations of war crimes committed by the KLA. The paper carried a facsimile of the cover page of a statement by Cen Desku, an LDK official in Malisheva, given to UNMIK Police Central Criminal Intelligence Unit on August 18, 2000. The paper said it would publish the entire statement in tomorrow’s edition, whereas today they presented only a part of it, which follows the article’s transcript. The article reads as follows.

During the last few months, ex-KLA officers have been complaining that high LDK officials were engaged in a compromising campaign against the people that led the war, especially now just before elections.

 Particularly, “evidence” was given against the heads of KLA General Staff, Political Directorate, and commanders that led fierce battles in the Dukagjini zone, Drenica Zone, etc., as well as other minor cases that were highly exaggerated by Milosevic’s propaganda in order to justify “the needs of deadly offensives against Albanian terrorists”.  There were rumors, even during the war, that deputies of LDK (and satellite parties) from Lugu i Baranit (Peja), gave similar evidence  to that of  Serbs to Serb Police regarding the “Albanian crimes” in Radoniqi Lake. Some others similarly maneuvered in the Drenica and Pashtriku zone.  In certain cases, some of them faced a fierce refusal from newspapers (Albanian ones) to publish “calls” to the people to “prevent the KLA from killing Serbs in Radoniq”.  It is interesting though, as a convincing source from within the LDK says, that many people mentioned in postwar LDK spying are martyrs of the nation, but more of them are people with concrete names in the Kosovar political scene, that LDK has assessed as “people that might damage LDK in local and general elections”.  All evidence, as it is said, was given with  great assurance that the names will never become public of those giving statements to the international police, which continues to raid the houses of families and relatives of KLA people that LDK is accusing of “crimes against Serbs”, and “political violence during and against the war”, our source stressed.  According to the same source, some of these “LDK officials”, together with some Tito’s Serb officers, were convicted for contraband before the war.  Anyhow, the war ended, and LDK found itself in an unfavorable political positions.  From the first LDK meeting after the war, Eqrem Kryeziu insisted on reopening LDK offices for “investigating crimes committed by KLA”, while another official, a vice-president, requests that “the blame for usurpations, lootings, and burnings be given to KLA”.  Faruk Spahiu, a high official, was trying to prevent, with any means, the “strengthening of the KLA”.  From then until now, it was publicly known that LDK, together with Priest Sava, have gathered “material” and accused the KLA before ICTY.  LDK has lightly, through Kole Berisha, denounced this informations.  At half voice, LDK through Kole Berisha, rejected this information. But there are facts that would make the KLA ashamed and even to apologize, or to expect publishing of other evidence that would heavily compromise the honest LDK membership.

“Epoka e re” has evidence from LDK sources on the entire strategy and the strategists of the “war for elimination of the KLAists from the scene” and “creating the impression that Rugova was the strategist of the armed fight”. In addition, by now there is enough evidence to argue with the LDK and to bring the truth to light. This time, we are bringing evidence of the LDK official in Malisheva, Mr. Cen Desku, given to the police, precisely as it stands in the fax. Mr. Desku -- arrested by the KLA together with Jakup Kastrati and two other Serbs who penetrated the KLA controlled territory because of known reasons -- in one of his numerous statements given to the internationals speaks of his arrest, accuses Hashim Thaci as one of his arresters who allegedly presented himself with two names, speaks about the “violence” against him, and then on what he saw the day Rahovec fell, on who brought the queue of Serbs from Rahovec to Malisheva, who was leading them, who are the four renowned names waiting in a car*, where these people who he suspected were Serbs was sent, with whose orders were Serb women allegedly raped and all Serbs in Kleca burned alive etc.

"In tomorrow’s edition, we will publish the entire statement of Cen Desku given during a 90-minute session with UNMIK Police against his political rivals, which intends to heavily compromise the KLA, the entire heroic fight of the Albanian people starting with the legendary fall of Adem Jashari. The witnesses of the Rahovec massacre refute categorically all spying (read false testimonies) of Cen Desku and the entire dossier of the LDK against the KLA, made to disqualify the political leaders who led the KLA and today a part of the Kosovo political scene with the international factors at the threshold of local elections," concluded the paper.

KANDIC: OUR UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN SERBIA

Koha Ditore on page four carried an editorial by Natasa Kandic which was previously published in "The Washington Post". Kandic wrote:
"It is easier to breathe in Serbia now. I recently saw a policeman running down the street as if his life were at stake. He fled a young man who told onlookers he had done nothing--just asked him how he dared to walk freely. The crowd laughed and said to the policeman, "Right, we'll show them who's boss now."
Our priority is civilian oversight of the police. But for that, we must know what kind of police forces exist and what they did during the wars in neighboring Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo. The menagerie of butchers includes: the Red Berets, Frankie's Men, the Legion, the Special Anti-Terrorist Units, the Secret Police, the Federal Police Brigade, the Special Police Units, convicts working for the police and Captain Dragan. They are thugs, special units controlled by former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and now by some members in the new government. The names of these formations can also be found on the roll of indictees of the war crimes tribunal in the Hague.
After taking office, Yugoslavia's new president, Vojislav Kostunica, thanked the top army brass for remaining on the sidelines when Serbs turned out for mass protests against Milosevic. But the army itself remains silent. The officer corps is scared to reveal the truth: that the army praised by Kostunica in fact violated the very constitution and principles it claimed to defend.
Our priority is a professional army, not generals who formed paramilitary units such as the VII battalion in Montenegro. Not generals who last August distributed the secret document POV No. 1037-1, partly written by Defense Minister General Dragoljub Ojdanic, an indicted war criminal. Naming the opposition "NATO collaborators" and "terrorists," Ojdanic ordered army officers to vote for Milosevic--depriving them of their right to vote freely.
The world is now watching us, coddling us, taking care not to upset us, allowing us to avoid the difficult issues, such as the extradition of war crimes suspects. Kostunica says, "I won't hand over Milosevic; our priority is democracy," and the world replies, "Never mind, there's no hurry." Nationalist hard-liners in the new government tell diplomats that war crimes trials are a "sensitive issue, one that would divide the nation." And the now supposedly free and independent press continues to write about the glorious Yugoslav Army and Serbian police who "prevented the occupation of the country."
Our priority is international reintegration. That road leads through the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, institutions from which our country was expelled. Western governments, which now applaud and praise us as victors, will soon lack understanding for our "sensitivity" about the crimes committed by the Serbian police, Yugoslav Army, paramilitary groups and common criminals.
The West should, and will, soon make clear that we must finally make good on Milosevic's phony pledge to respect the Hague tribunal. Reintegration depends on the new government's willingness to comply with international obligations. There can be no integration without cooperation with U.N. bodies, which include the Hague tribunal.
If Kostunica fails to work with The Hague, Serbia is also in immediate danger of becoming a sanctuary for war criminals. For years we were at war with our neighbors. We left their countries devastated, and our population grew by the hundreds of thousands with refugees, displaced persons and returning fighters. It is a haven not only for Milosevic and his four closest comrades, who were all indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, but also for thousands of others who committed atrocities against ethnic communities in neighboring countries. Montenegro has begun to cooperate with the tribunal, so our "war heroes" won't be safe there. They will soon find Serbia the only safe place left.
It would be best for Kosovo Serbs if Kostunica and the government quickly began to cooperate with the U.N. administration in Kosovo. This, too, is a priority. It is the only way to deal effectively with the issue of about 3,500 missing persons on both sides.
The question of prisoners is easier. Some 850 Albanians remain in Serbian prisons. They should not be held hostage. Kostunica, a man who pledges the highest respect for the rule of law, should release the vast majority, who are political prisoners. Linking their fate to the destiny of Serb prisoners in Kosovo will only hurt the Serbs' chances for quick release.
To accomplish this, Kostunica again will find it necessary to cooperate with the war crimes tribunal. It seems therefore that the road from both Kosovo and Serbia leads to the tribunal. Where the court is based--Arusha, The Hague, Belgrade, Zagreb, Sarajevo or Pristina--is irrelevant.
The Serbs have unseated Milosevic, but the road ahead will be tough to navigate. We must come to terms with the crimes committed in our name. If Kostunica wants to fulfill his promise to make Serbia a "normal place," he must spearhead that process. For its part, the West should and will insist that Serbia do the work necessary to rejoin the fellowship of states.
The writer runs the Humanitarian Law Center, a human rights and humanitarian organization working across borders in Yugoslavia. Before the September election, she faced charges for publishing an article on the atrocities committed by the Yugoslav Army in Kosovo

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Annex: Transcript of a column by Blerim Shala, Zëri, p.1

SHALA: SPECIFIC PROMISES AND GENERAL ISSUES

The messages and pre-electoral promises are identical among all political parties, regardless of their real potential and possibilities of fulfilling the promises.

Exactly as expected, this campaign is being characterized by the great issues of Kosovo, and not the ones that have to do with the character of these elections and the nature of local problems. It is being forgotten that the capability of solving concrete problems at the local level will hamper Kosovo's political global potential in the postponed process of solving its status.

In the end, the creation of strong local governance, the improving of life conditions, construction of roads and infrastructure in general, the genuine functioning in municipalities strengthens the idea of an independent Kosovo.

Anyway, it seems as though the specific pre-electoral promises of each political party for the important issues in Kosovo cannot have a genuine political value. If things would depend on the promises and speeches, Mitrovica would long ago be united, and Kosovo would have its flag in UN headquarters, in New York. The political potential of the main Kosovar leaders and parties is a crucial factor in the process of solving important issues. But, one thing is obvious: only an organized uniting potential can strengthen Kosovo’s position.