CONTENTS

CHIRAC CHANGED STANCE ON ELECTIONS, ITALY IS AGAINST?
LDK DENIES HAVING RECEIVED A LETTER FROM KOSTUNICA
SURROI: ANOTHER HILL AHEAD
PALOKAJ: KOSTUNICA NEEDS MILOSEVIC
SHALA: THE BRIDGE

CHIRAC CHANGED OPPOSING STANCE, ITALY IS AGAINST?

Kosovo Chief Administrator Bernard Kouchner proposed local elections in Kosovo during a lunch of the Security Council, after the meeting held in New York, and it was approved right away. The same authority proposed general elections during the meeting of the Security Council and he was supported only by U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Richard Holbrooke. The other countries were silent--either they did not declare themselves for or against, or they opposed the   proposal, reported Zëri on page three.

Kouchner proposed general elections with a clear idea of their role: they are essential to self-governance and substantial autonomy according to Resolution 1244, or to be more precise, "a tool for self-governance," as a high source within UNMIK told the paper.

The same source added that at issue was what would be solved through overall elections, i.e. what would be voted for. Until now all versions are possible: there can be parliamentary and presidential elections. Kouchner proposed in New York overall elections in springtime, while being backed only by Richard Holbrooke.

France, Italy, Russia and China were against the idea, with the explanation that it is still too early, too fast. In fact, in the abovementioned countries, the stance of France and Italy are very important. In this case, the fact that Kouchner comes from France cannot be excluded.

In fact, as our source within UNMIK explained, regardless of what is often said that decisions on such issues are made by international institutions, the governments are the ones who make such decisions, i.e. countries that have their representatives in these institutions.

The same goes for France and Italy. It was known that the French were against overall elections in spring, but on Saturday, French President Chirac changed stance. Asked by the paper to comment on the issue, Chirac said that he is in favor of holding overall elections. What happened?

Moments before Chirac's press briefing, Kouchner and the French President had a meeting alone. The result: "Draw your own  conclusions," said the source, who claimed at the same time that Kouchner is an old friend of Chirac's and Prime Minister Jospin. "We are happy with the statement of President Chirac,…" said Nadia Younes, spokeswoman to Kouchner, speaking officially.

However, the issue is not closed yet. Talks continue with governments and institutions, and will be discussed today during the OSCE meeting in Vienna, which will be attended by  Kouchner and Daan Everts, OSCE Ambassador in Kosovo.

UNMIK's arguments for general elections in Kosovo early next year are at least three: Resolution 1244 stipulates that self-governance and substantial autonomy for Kosovo could not be achieved without overall elections; second, the success of local elections has paved way to overall elections; and third, there must be credible and meaningful interlocutors in Kosovo for the international community.

But there may be another argument. According to Reuters, Kouchner said in Zagreb that Albanians need a chance to elect their leaders or, if they are cornered,  they will fight. Kouchner, according to the news agency, said: "Resolution 1244 was a solemn agreement. If we do not have an agreement, please tell us…"

The agency quoted a diplomat saying that France and Italy did not support overall elections by mid next year. Great Britain was less opposed, while Germany was somewhere in the middle.

In fact, despite Kouchner's great fight, the decision to hold overall elections is somewhat more complicated. Kouchner has proposed them, but there must be support and consensus among the international community.

To UNMIK and Kouchner himself, Chirac's statement, which showed France's support or rather its exit from the group of opponents and movement toward those in favor, is of utmost importance. Next is Italy, which has not even opened its office in Kosovo. As for the two other countries, Russia and China, there can be no great expectations: They oppose elections and may later either abstain or vote for them.

LDK DENIES HAVING RECEIVED A LETTER FROM KOSTUNICA

LDK denies that its president Rugova has officially received a telegram from Yugoslav president Kostunica in which he offered condolences for the murder of Xhemail Mustafa and invited Rugova to talk on Kosovo. Meanwhile the  PDK warns that Rugova has no legitimate right to talk to Kostunica concerning Kosovo's future political status, reported Zëri on page three.

The international and local media have made public the letter where Rugova is invited to begin the talks between the Albanians and Serbs concerning "long-lasting peace and stability in Kosovo". Meanwhile, LDK general secretary Nekibe Kelmendi said that she does not know how this has happened, denying that Rugova has received such a letter, which came immediately after the murder of Rugova's closest coworker. Referring to the murder, Kostunica said that violence was spreading once more in Kosovo and to end it, has international structures.

Kostunica's letter serves only to plant breakups between Albanian political parties, because "he has noticed that exactly this is occurring", stated Kelmendi, adding "why should he not make up that he has sent a telegram to Rugova or invite him to talk in addition to the bad happenings in Kosovo?" She accused Kostunica of  trickery, which only he and his colleagues can do. "Kostunica is Milosevic's successor and his school has deep roots".

For long-lasting peace and stability in Kosovo, Kostunica believes that a multiethnic environment must be created, and he sees a deep dialogue between the two greatest national communities as necessary. In his letter, he said that no   imposed solution from outside will bring any good to Kosovo, Serbia, Yugoslavia and the Balkans. He said he is convinced that a solution can be found, and the talks with Rugova are necessary. " We must do this as soon as possible, a lot of time has already been wasted", said Kostunica.

Commenting on the letter, PDK general secretary Jakup Krasniqi said that Belgrade is taken by Kosovo's local elections and wants the LDK chairmanship to make errors, but the truth is that the elections have not done more than legitimate the governance. "For now IAC political forces have the most legitimate right to talk and decide about Kosovo's status", stated Krasniqi adding that not even Rugova has the right to talk to the Belgrade government.

Nevertheless, Krasniqi said that the letter revealed the politics of Belgrade's government "which murders you at night and mourns you at day", adding that it also shows that Kostunica wants to continue the old talks without an international presence, blaming it as guilty for the situation in Kosovo and the region.

SURROI: ANOTHER HILL AHEAD

Koha Ditore on page three carried a commentary by its publisher Veton Surroi, in which he noted:

"1. I was surprised by the fact that every time Kosovo elections had to be analyzed, my fellow interlocutors smiled. "We had first results after two-three days," I told the American hosts who were interested on the situation in Kosovo, at a time when the U.S. has still not defined the winner of the election race.

Of course, none of us is indifferent towards U.S. elections. The winner of U.S. elections is of extraordinary importance to the ordinary citizen of Kosovo ever since the '80s when it was understood that only the U.S. leadership could play a decisive role in finding a solution to the issue of Kosovo.

Kosovars are not alone in this regard. In a way, brought by the fall of the Berlin Wall, U.S. elections are almost global. Since the U.S. influence is global the same goes for effect of elections. Therefore, the tone I used a couple of years was not so clumsy when I said loudly that now it only remains to define how we, other people, are going to participate in U.S. elections.

I know that the answer in the U.S. would be: "No thanks, we already have a lot of problems".

2. We are not without problems. And huge ones.

Only two weeks after news on Kosovo local elections as the most successful elections in the Balkans, we are facing a manifestation of violence. It began with the murder of four Ashkali citizens, and then with the murder of our colleague, Xhemajl Mustafa ,who during the past years was advisor to Dr. Rugova.

In the first case, the message of the murderers was that Kosovo which had a positive position in international opinion, had not moved ahead when it comes to interethnic tolerance, even towards those citizens who are assimilated into the Albanian culture but who have a different skin color.

In the second case, they chose the man who symbolized an intellectual language within the LDK as well as enjoying the personal affection of Dr. Rugova. At a time when the entire Kosovar political spectrum recognized election results and the installation of the new local authority, the murder tried to prove the opposite. It tried to prove that in Kosovo the election process and its results as well friendship with one of the political actors can be punished with the death sentence.

Both messages of violence, drastically and even urgently aimed to ruin the extraordinary optimistic image created by the pre-election campaign, the civic discipline and the seriousness and sincerity of our political parties.

3. Various countries within the international context that do not ask for a fast installation of Kosovar self-administration do not need great help. But, the violence of the past two weeks came as ordered in the continuing arguments that the Kosovar Constitution and overall elections would cause further insecurity in Kosovo and consequently additional problems for the international community.

For the international community, I think it is enough to say that both the constitution and overall elections only advance Resolution 1244 up to stage of self-administration. Therefore only with these two acts in the next months could the transitional relation between UN and Kosovo be built upon: for Kosovars to take over statehood competencies, while UNMIK remains a guarantor of the United Nations that the process of administration does not head towards sovereignty or towards some antidemocratic or insecure trend in the region.

But, a justification is required here as well. Not to define why we need (transitional) constitution and overall elections, but why this process has to be fast. Speed is required in order to keep up the pace with dynamic developments in the region, after Milosevic's ousting from formal authority.

Last week, it seemed that there was a critical western majority regarding the constitution. But this is not the case when it comes to elections. And we need to define the date of first overall parliamentary elections in Kosovo. It is similar to the situation when you have to draw the hill that you have to climb and pass but you do not know when and where.

4. Two years ago, Serb police strengthened its control regime in Kosovar cafes in which as usual there was a toast for Flag Day. The date of Rambouillet negotiations was still not defined, and we were all waiting for the escalation of fighting between Serb forces and forces of the Kosovo Liberation Army, including the displacement of the civilian population.

Last year, we went through both negotiations and NATO's air campaign and even though in freedom, we allowed our emotional deflation to take on tragic and macabre dimensions of celebrating on top of the corpses of three Serbs on one of Pristina's main roads.

Today, I read that there will be a concert in honor of the holiday.

Who would say that two years have passed?

KOSTUNICA NEEDS MILOSEVIC

Koha Ditore on page seven carried a column by Augustin Palokaj regarding the political situation in Yugoslavia. Palokaj wrote:

"The shining of the star called Kostunica started to fade in Europe. His arrogance at the Zagreb Summit where instead of asking for forgiveness for Serb crimes, he accused Europe and especially the US for mistaken politics in the Balkans during the years, has left some of the European politicians who only a week ago rose to their feet to greet him at the EU Parliament very disappointed.

At the time when every one expected him to address the biggest problem in Kosovo, the missing and maybe the continuance of operating of the Serb Secret Services in Kosovo, he instead in a biased manner accused Albanians of "terror upon the Serb nation" without even considering the slightest Serb responsibility.

Kostunica returned to Belgrade to say, "There is no benefit from one sided asking of forgiveness" because he doubts that Serbs are the only guilty party…Maybe they are, however according to him they are surely "less then Albanians, Bosnians, Croats and much less guilty than the Americans". 

Encouraged from all that European applauding after his return from Zagreb, Kostunica declared in Belgrade, "Yugoslavia is closer to the EU then any other state in the region". He is not to blame that the Europeans have spoiled him.

Think back to what French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine said on the release of Flora Brovina. The statement that saluted this humane act, which should have also been a sign of Serb repentance for jailing innocent activists, had a tone we can freely call idiotic. Vedrine saluted Kostunica for the release of Flora Brovina and he expressed his admiration for "the courage shown by Kostunica in taking this step".

No kidding, courage!

What has to be expected from a courageous leader, who is limited in releasing an innocent mother, without asking forgiveness or shown repentance for the time she was unjustly held in prison. After Kostunica heard Vedrine's salutes for the courage to release Mrs. Brovina, he was afraid to release all Albanian prisoners, because Vedrine might have called on Yugoslavia to immediately become a full member of the EU.

What is going on now with Kostunica? Is he "nervous" as Montenegrin President Djukanovic said, or is he continuing his cunning nationalistic politics?

I would rather believe it is the second one. He does not show that he will cooperate with Hague Tribunal and hand over Milosevic to the Hague, despite his being one of the main guilty actors of the tragedies that have afflicted the region for the last few years, who with full pride and cured from his defeat appears publicly and continues to accuse the Hague Tribunal and call it "a Gestapo nest".

Milosevic's appearance has distressed the world more than the Serbs, and the least distressed was Kostunica. Why should he be distressed when there is no chance that he would lose votes to Milosevic? On the contrary, he needs Milosevic.

Allowing Milosevic to function politically, Kostunica frightens Europe and pulls out new concessions from the West. Between Milosevic, the criminal and Kostunica, the nationalist, the latter can pass much easier to the West.

Kostunica now offers Milosevic the position, which Milosevic offered Arkan and Seselj. If Milosevic started to bother Kostunica then it would be easy for him to hand him over to The Hague. If he reasoned that he did not have full control over the police to arrest Milosevic, then EU politics would be under suspicion, because as a condition for lifting sanctions which have now been lifted was the winning of democracy in Yugoslavia.

Non-deliverance of Milosevic to The Hague and Kostunica unconditional cooperation with The Hague has a different aim.

Behind this hides Kostunica's unwillingness to be the first Serb to face the  responsibility of his people for the crimes committed. Not only the people but also the Yugoslav Army, of which now he is supreme commander.  

Kostunica,  the person who was cheered with such euphoria by the West, now commands the same army that committed aggression in Bosnia and Croatia and crimes in Kosovo.

Kostunica accuses the Montenegrin President, "that he does not see what the whole world is seeing - that Yugoslav is democratic".

However, Kostunica has not seen what whole world has, "that Yugoslav Army had committed crimes in Kosovo". "According to my best information members of the Yugoslav Army did not commit crimes in Kosovo," he told Koha Ditore.

If he is sure that Yugoslav Army did not commit crimes in Kosovo, why doesn't he hand over those accused for war crimes to The Hague. The same Kostunica always refers to laws, resolutions and conventions that he as lawyer respects.  If it is so, then he should know that innocence or guilt is proven in the court of law. The responsible world recognizes The Hague Tribunal. Let him hand over the accused for war crimes and let us see if they are guilty of crimes committed in Kosovo.

Kostunica's statements "that Yugoslav Army members have not committed crimes in Kosovo," have a different aim. If this army committed crimes in Kosovo, then the guilty one would have to be the head of the army, "the known pacifist embraced by the EU, General Pavkovic".

It is public knowledge that before "the October revolution" in Belgrade where Milosevic was brought down, there were agreements made by some of Milosevic's associates including Gen. Pavkovic and the opposition. Europe was in knowledge of this and needed no explanations: they wanted only Milosevic's downfall.

How else can we explain that after these changes, the EU received a letter from Kostunica on who should be allowed to travel to EU countries. Among those who  received an amnesty by the EU was chief of the Serb Secret Service and Chief of Yugoslav Army. According to the EU, these persons "are not a threat to democracy in Serbia," and they are not cooperating anymore with Milosevic. However, others are dangerous, in positions such as "the Director of the milk factory".

Kostunica as commander of the Yugoslav Army has become courageous and gives ultimatums to NATO. He allows Milosevic to operate, with a message to Europe: I am your best solution, because the monster Milosevic can return". 
  

Annex: Transcript of a column by Blerim Shala, Zëri, p.1
 
THE BRIDGE

Last year, the 28th of November was awaited in cold weather, without electricity and with many other troubles, but with great enthusiasm and an unmeasured happiness. It was the first time the greatest national holiday was held in freedom. Other things were unimportant. Now, a year later, it is difficult for the Kosovar vehicle to continue walking forward with enthusiasm as "fuel". The comparisons here prove that things are much better now than last year. Although, it is a surprising impression that may be translated only with the political syndrome of the  "Secret Bridge": what is built with hard efforts is easily ruined. Even the greatest efforts do not manage to keep on its "feet" Kosovar political investments in their future, which somehow must compensate for the Kosovars' suffering and sacrifice during the last years.
 
After the local elections, it seemed as though the process of the institutional installment of the democratic government in Kosovo leapt forward. Now, we do not have to think far to find that we have turned backwards once more and that many troubles have come as a consequence of the explosive noises in Pristina and the silence and ignorance of Kosovo in Zagreb, where the Summit of EU with the Balkan states was held. The forming of a democratic government and the respect of the peoples' will, whatever it may be, is a bridge that ties Kosovo with its independence. Only together we can build this "bridge".