CONTENTS

SOLANA: KOSOVARS CAN PROVE READY FOR TAKING RESPONSIBILITY
SURROI: THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF THE MAGIC BOX
MILOSEVIC AND RUSSIANS PLANNED TO OCCUPY NORTHERN KOSOVO
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR: BIRTH OF A NATION IN KOSOVO

SOLANA: KOSOVARS CAN PROVE READY FOR TAKING RESPONSIBILITY
 
Koha Ditore carried on pages one and three an exclusive interview with EU senior official Javier Solana.

What is the greatest importance of these elections in Kosovo for the EU?

 First, local elections in Kosovo are important for the people of Kosovo. these are first democratic elections in Kosovo's  history and they represent an important step towards self-governing and self-administration in municipalities. EU expects that these elections will be conducted in fair and free manner, and most importantly without fear and acts of violence. People of Kosovo have a chance to prove that they are ready to take more responsibility upon themselves in administrative issues in a peaceful and democratic fashion.

What steps will be undertaken after the elections regarding Kosovo's future?

After elections, it is natural that priority will be implementation of electoral results and establish self-governing institutions within the municipalities. I have to be sincere that I am very encouraged by statement given by Kosovar political leaders, in which they agreed, "that they will respect the legitimacy of today's elections and its results". When we pass this very important phase, we will initiate discussion with SRSG Bernard Kouchner for future steps in Kosovo.

 There are many ideas regarding Kosovo's status from, "secession", "full independence", "third republic", and "conditional independence". What is your position regarding the issue of final status for Kosovo?  

EU will fully support UN Security Council Resolution 1244 for Kosovo. Concerning the final status for Kosovo I have to say that status will be achieved with a process that might last a long time.  This process will need careful approach.

At EU, there are mostly  talks for the "Zagreb Summit". What are your expectations for this summit for the states in the region?

This summit will be held in Zagreb on 24 November will symbolize the importance of EU devotion towards the region and southeast Europe. This summit will give another chance to review the progress in the bilateral report between EU and the countries in the region, and to remind for new achievements, in the aspect of these countries relations towards the EU, and the achieved progress in the regional cooperation.

The region even only verbally accepted the changes in Belgrade, however most of the neighbors do not have the same euphoria as the west has in supporting Kostunica's  arrival tom power. They feel that international community is applying double standards, leaving them aside in account to Belgrade. Do they have a reason to feel so? 

Democratic changes in Belgrade represent  a good chance. The so-called "black hole" of the region has disappeared. A promising process of forming trust and security in the region has now started. The rise of regional stability will make this region attractive for foreign private investments, which will rise. Our humanitarian aid (food and heating for the winter) was never tied with fulfillment of political conditions, since this emergency aid was destined for the suffering people. Further progress of bilateral relationship with the EU - from trade to contractual relations - is unimaginable without respecting of conditions expressed by the EU. This offer is not for discussion and conditions are the same for all countries in the region.

There are feelings that the international community has turned its back to the Montenegrin President Milo Djukanovic and now is applying pressure on Montenegro to cooperate with Vojislav Kostunica. Did EU really turn its back to Podgorica and now  is favoring  Belgrade?

EU position towards Montenegro has not changed. EU will continue to support Montenegro with dedicated funds of around 80 million Euros. The EU is not in favor of Montenegro's independence, and we are encouraged with President Djukanovic's statement to achieve an agreement by means of a democratic dialogue regarding the report with Serbia.

Which is true EU politics towards integration of countries in the region?  Will the whole region have to wait and integrate as whole, something that Carl Bildt suggested, or there will be evaluations for every country separately without any need to wait for the others?

At EU meeting in Feira chief of states confirmed, that main aim remains as quick and full as possible  integration of southeast European countries in economical and political aspect in the EU. For all countries are evaluated as "potential candidates for EU membership". In the process of stabilization and association in all the countries will be judged by their merit, even though we have given great importance to regional cooperation. However, no one will be held hostage to wait for the others to catch up.

The so-called "season of Balkan elections" will not end with elections in Kosovo. There are elections in Bosnia and Serbia. What do you await from these elections and how will they affect regional development?

I am confident that Serb Democratic opposition will consolidate their position for the December elections. Regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina I am encouraged that voters have put to their first priority the issue of unemployment and national issues are less important. This goes in favor of those parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which are less nationalistic.

 To sum up we shall look back at your frequent statements, "that there will be no peace without justice" and "international community in the Balkans has to achieve peace nevertheless justice should not be forgotten". Taking in consideration current developments, do you think that one day you will realize any of these issues in the Balkans, peace and justice? 

Naturally, this issue remains to be my opinion. I remain faithful to my belief that there can be no long-term peace without justice, without bringing before the court all those responsible for all the hideous crimes wherever they wee committed. There is no alternative to this. I am convinced that there is no other solution for the people of this region then to start the painful labor towards  reconciliation, to surpass the past hatred and confrontations, and turn to the future. There is no alternative then the region in the coming years lives in peace in the heart of Europe. 
           
SURROI: THE FIRST ARRIVAL OF THE MAGIC BOX

Koha Ditore on page three carried an editorial by its publisher Veton Surroi, in which he wrote:

"Whenever I had to explain processes in Kosovo, before the war, I had to say that not a single member of my family ever participated in free elections. This easily explained that for an entire century we lived without freedom of expression.

What I had not thought and expressed with such automatism, was the fact that no generation in Kosovo, ever since this soil and people exist, had ever participated in free elections.

For Kosovo, the explanation that we are going through a post-communist transition is not enough. Unlike many eastern countries, we are in fact entering the republic notion of governance. In a way, let us hyperbolic, we are going through a long post-feudal and post-colonial transition.

Therefore, a dose of self-satisfaction should be marked more for each of us rather than for foreign monitors. Without a previous experience, surfacing from a terrifying war and years of oppression, we are today nonetheless entering free elections after a good pre-election campaign, with a large number of parties.

During the past fifteen months, the race of mutual accusations between Kosovars and internationals produced in fact only one mutual accusation. Kosovars blamed internationals for not building the state of Kosovo within this period, whereas the internationals accused Kosovars for not behaving as the Swiss, despite the fact that they lacked institutions of Switzerland.

Now it seems to me that the time of praising is necessary, but I see no reason for a race regarding praises. Both the Kosovar parties and the internationals are worthy of praising.

Kosovar parties tried with sincerity and everything within their capabilities to run an election campaign. Unlike many campaigns in the region of southeastern Europe, in this campaign there was no language of hatred, whereas the level of violence was smaller than not only what was expected, but also smaller than usual non-election days.

All this could not have been possible without the international civil and military presence. UNMIK and KFOR, this political and security umbrella above Kosovo, led to the overall context of elections being democratic, and this will be a sound foundation for future Kosovar institutions. 

If the up-to-now flow of elections is an indicator, then we are gradually entering a new stage of relations between Kosovars and internationals, the stage of a more intensive cooperation in building institutions of self-administration in Kosovo.

Immediately after municipal elections, the announcement of results and the establishment of municipal councils we are going to face a series of questions.

The first would not be whether the establishment of assemblies and other municipal assemblies will go without problems, but once they are established will they be able to carry out their decisions. The rule of law, which was until now absent in Kosovo, will be tested exactly in municipal levels, and this will be crucial in the flow of the establishment of Kosovo's statehood.

The second issue is the establishment of relations between freely elected municipalities, and Kosovar central bodies which lack democratic legitimacy.

Third, since we successfully passed the first stage, in order to get to the second one as fast we can, the election of Kosovar central bodies, the establishment of self-administration.

Let these three issues, and the list is much longer, be those which will be dealt by the parties who gain the trust of the electorate. Confronted with daily municipal issues, the parties should experience internal changes: for the first time, they should offer solutions, responses - all under the pressure of the public opinion.

In fact, for the first time we are entering the stage of transparency and responsibility of the political activity towards the citizens.

Politics can no longer hide behind decisions of central committees, illegalities, or parallel structures.

The votes that will be cast today in the magic box start a dynamic process. It could happen that within the coming year we are going to face all the relevant decisions of our statehood. Ever since the establishment of the basic Kosovar law (therefore an interim constitution) and up to overall elections and the beginning of defining the permanent Kosovar status.

Today, we will truly vote for those who will decide on the infrastructure of our municipalities, but at the same time we are moreover symbolizing the entrance in the political finals of the Kosovar issue.

MILOSEVIC AND RUSSIANS PLANNED TO OCCUPY NORTHERN KOSOVO

Marti Ahtisaari, former peace envoy of the international community, during the meeting he had with then-Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic on 2 June 1999, a meeting which paved the way to ending the war in Yugoslavia, told Milosevic that "this is the best the offer you will get," reported Koha Ditore on page two referring to AP-broadcast information.

Ahtisaari went to the meeting accompanied by then-Russian Prime Minister Victor Chernomyrdin, and was reportedly surprised how readily Milosevic grasped the Kosovo peace plan proposed by the U.S., Russia and the European Union.

In his book "Assignment in Belgrade" published Thursday, Ahtisaari claimed Russian generals had a secret pact with Milosevic to take control over northern Kosovo, after peace was declared.

According to Ahtisaari, the pact would ensure that if Kosovars declared independence, Serbia with the help of Russian troops would be able to keep large parts of the region and populate them solely with Serbs. "This was a logical explanation for why Milosevic accepted peace terms. This is really the central message of the book," he added.

Commenting on the Kosovo peace plan, Ahtisaari said it was not open to negotiation; NATO air strikes would end only if Milosevic accepted the peace terms and within three hours the federal government and the Parliament agreed to the terms. "I answered: This is the first step towards peace," he said adding that "because of everything that happened in Kosovo in recent years, it’s clear that things cannot calm down quickly".

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR: BIRTH OF A NATION IN KOSOVO

Koha Ditore and Zëri in today's editions carried an editorial published recently by "The Christian Science Monitor," in which it was noted:

Quiz time: NATO's war over Kosovo in 1999 was fought:

1.To save the majority of ethnic Albanians from slaughtering Serb forces of Slobodan Milosevic
2.To liberate the province from eventual independence from Serbia.

NATO's official answer is "1." Otherwise it stands accused of invading a country to split it up - a dangerous international precedent. So right now, Kosovo remains a United Nations protectorate.

But Mr. Milosevic was shown the door by his own people last month. And this Saturday, the 2 million people of Kosovo will vote in UN-run municipal elections. Both events ought to force Europe and the United States to seriously address the option of independence for the province.

Last week, an international commission recommended to the UN that Kosovo move toward "conditional independence." It argued, pragmatically, that keeping Kosovo's Albanian population under Belgrade's rule is not realistic. The ethnic and religious differences, not to mention the atrocities of recent years, are just too much.

But neither is it realistic to think of a fully independent Kosovo right around the corner. The new, elected Serb leader, Vojislav Kostunica, wants the province to remain part of Serbia. And the foundation for self-government is not there.
The Albanian Kosovars must show they can treat the minority Serbs and Roma (Gypsies) fairly and humanely. Their leaders must move beyond nationalist fervor toward negotiations and partnership with their neighbors.

Other parts of the Balkans are moving that way. Croatia has expunged the old rabid nationalism; Bosnia's ethnically mixed people are beginning to work together; and Serbia is charting a new course.

The new Serb leader has offered a few constructive measures: He acknowledges the Serbs' violent excesses in Kosovo and is willing to release the hundreds of Albanians held in Serbian prisons. Leaders in Kosovo could respond by pledging to protect Serbian Orthodox holy places in Kosovo.

The thuggery and vengefulness of many ethnic Albanians after the war are still too near the surface. Democratic processes, such as this weekend's local elections, and parliamentary elections next year, should help tamp down the violent undercurrents.

International involvement in Kosovo, meanwhile, provides insurance that those processes have a chance to succeed. The military and financial investments made there by Europe and the U.S. are not short term. They will take patience for them to pay off, but at a pace clearly leading to independence.