UNMIK on Air- Special

28th June 2003

EU Summit

(By Sputnik Kilambi and Zoran Culafic)

 

 

Hello and welcome to UNMIK ON AIR for this special program on the perspectives opened up by the recent EU –Western Balkans summit in Thessalonica Greece.

 

Music up and fade

 

Chris Patten: The destiny for the people of South East Europe is membership in the EU, and we want to underline that at this summit. Of course, they have to make changes on their part. They have to continue the process of political and economic reform, on which they impart, but we wish to be more hands-on helping them in that process.

 

EU external relations commissioner Chris Patten making it clear that the western Balkans are a missing piece from the European jigsaw. But that membership in this exclusive club is not automatic.  The road map set out by the EU implies tough choices and sacrifices for the 5 Balkan aspirants.  Nonetheless says Alex Rondos, roving ambassador of Greece under whose presidency the summit was held, it is significant that the EU made this commitment at a time when world attention is deeply distracted by events in other parts of the globe.

 

Alex Rondos: It’s a reminder not only that they are not forgotten but there’s a very keen interest in seeing them totally embedded in Europe. Basically what Europe is saying is today for the first time all the countries there, represented democratically. Europe is saying let us help you make all the different reforms needed because the path to Europe isn’t easy. We give you the perspective but we’re telling you what your obligations are.

 

That means above all tackling organized crime and corruption, which according to the EU is the key obstacle to stability, the rule of law, economic development and therefore European integration.

High, perhaps unreasonably high expectations left many Balkan delegates unhappy that they didn’t get a clear date for entry into the EU for example. But the Thessalonica summit was a turning point of sorts. 

The EU is offering an additional 200 million euros on top of the 4 billion dollars already pledged. It is also opening up new budget lines to help with European integration. But the onus of the reforms lies clearly with the western Balkan countries - both on the economic and the political fronts and above all in terms of intra-regional relations. The people of the Balkans want the benefits of joining the EU, says Nenad Sebek, executive director of the Thessalonica based Centre for Democracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, but they don’t want to give up the mindset of the 90s when they fought wars over territory.

 

Nenad Sebek: They’re prepared to join the prosperity of the EU, but they’re not fully prepared for the sacrifices, ideas like sacred soil, the blood of our ancestors, all the nations of the Balkans are right now hoping that they can hang on to those illusions and yet join the future in the EU. Its not going to work out that way, they will have to make tough decisions, painful sacrifices if they want to become part of this exclusive club. But I don’t think they’re ready for that yet.

 

But that’s precisely what the roadmap to Europe will help them with, insists Chris Patten. The history of enlargement, he says, shows that it has promoted stability and peace in the whole region –  and what happened in southern Europe can also happen in southeastern Europe.

 

Chris Patten: After the end of fascist authoritarianism in the Iberian Peninsula and in Greece, very poor countries became members of the EU, became huge contributors in terms of the spirit of the Union and became great beneficiaries for being part of the club and I think it will be true in due course for the west Balkans too.  

 

But given Kosovo’s unresolved status, what does regional integration mean in practice; for one thing, says Frane Marejovic, spokesman for the European commission delegation to Bosnia, Belgrade and Prishtina will have to start talks…and sooner rather than later.


Frane Marejovic: If you want to be part of a bigger family, then you have to show that you can get on with your neighbours before you can actually have a membership of the EU. We are not talking about love and emotional issues, we’re talking about practical issues, about economy, trade, freedom of travel between the countries, very concrete issues that these countries have to show that they are able to maturely deal with. Regional approach doesn’t mean that these countries will be lumped together in a package; each country has to show its own advance, its own initiative in terms of moving forward. It is an individual approach but it has to be regionally strengthened.  

 

The EU, says Judy Dempsey, Brussels based diplomatic correspondent for the Financial Times, is getting much more hardnosed towards the region, but the international community also has a lot to answer for. Stability was the key concept for the EU and the US as the former Yugoslavia slid from bloodshed to bloodshed.  Troop buildup was seen as the answer, but at the cost of state building, she says. The international community waited too long and local mafias filled the ensuing vacuum.

 

Judy Dempsey: I think we’ve made a terrible mistake in the Balkans and we’re only learning now that reconstruction cannot take place in a vacuum. Its got to go hand in hand with a huge financial and personnel commitment of state building, judicial institutions, the legal institutions, independent civil servants and the rule of law.

 

Bosnia is a case in point, says Nenad Sebek. The international community directly manipulated 2 elections, banned nationalist parties and managed to push through a non-nationalist government on the third attempt. But that failed and at the most recent polls, voters went back to the same nationalist parties, which took them into the war.

 

Nenad Sebek: People here feel threatened; the basic issues of security, of safety, of jobs have not been resolved. What do you do when you don’t have those issues resolved, you pull together in a tribe, in a herd and that’s this nationalist mantle? That is why we’re still dealing with politicians of the old guard the peoples of the region are still struggling with the past they’re trying to move forward, yet they have this chain on their leg as if they were all convicts dragging this terrible painful past with them and not being able to turn towards the future.

 

And that chain is both visible and palpable in Kosovo. Small wonder perhaps that the Kosovar Albanians can only think of the future in terms of independence, while their Serb counterparts look the other war the moment the ‘I’ word is mentioned. At the Thessalonica summit too, the question of Kosovo’s final status was on everyone’s minds. But not an issue to be debated at the moment for EU commissioner for external relations Chris Patten, who preferred to repeat the mantra of standards before status.

 

Chris Patten: Constitutional status of course excites people a great deal, but whatever the constitutional status over community of the end of the day, if that community does not share the standards the rest of us are worked to in the EU, then it turns into a black hole continentally and makes it impossible for to join our shared sovereignty.

 

Not talking about it doesn’t mean the problem will go away, points out Judy Dempsey of the Financial Times. Kosovo’s final status will have to be tackled sooner rather than later, otherwise, she says, the contours and problems of the region cannot be resolved.

 

Judy Dempsey: We have to bite the bullet on this and the Greeks have actually lost out on this in the presidency they should have forced the status issue on the table. The Americans are divided over it, the Europeans are divided over it and its all so, its too dirty, its too messy, we’ll open up a Pandora’s box the Serbs will go crazy if you mention the independence of Kosovo, what on earth are we doing with our diplomatic skills if we cant bring mature people around the table and call a spade a spade. This is not another Balkan war, this is about establishing arrangements between nations and states and if we don’t address this, well frankly, thank you, you can have an international protectorate running Kosovo for the rest of the time.

 

The fear of opening up that Pandora’s box, says Ines Sabolic, Brussels based journalist with the Croatian Sense News Agency, is why the EU is adamant that Serbia and Montenegro stick together.

 

Ines Sabolic: I think that effort of the EU to establish a state union of Serbia and Montenegro is primarily a security issue with the aim of postponing the issue of the final status of Kosovo. The whole struggle in the last 2 years, to preserve Serbia-Montenegro and to strengthen their integration, is telling us that they absolutely don’t want to touch the Kosovo issue in the foreseeable future.

 

The situation in the western Balkans today is not one of genuine peace, says Nenad Sebak of the center for democracy and reconciliation in southeast Europe, it’s merely the absence of war.  And Kosovo is not the only unresolved problem, there is unrest in Macedonia while Bosnia remains a big problem.  None of the current proposals on the table spell an end to conflict – both independence and partition hold dangers.

 

Nenad Sebak: The one solution which I see taking the whole region forward is actually Kosovo joining the EU regardless of final status why not become member states of the EU and then resolve the real tough issues of the final status of Kosovo 50 years from now. Where’s the big rush, if we’re one big European family, if we’ve got no borders separating us, if we’ve got one single currency etc, etc, does it really matter after all.

 

It does in the real world - but the summit did underline that the integration of the western Balkans is irreversible.  The question of when is firmly in the hands of the countries of the region.